While the Sangh parivar and its associates, including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), are busy appropriating the legacy of Sardar Patel, the organisation seems to have forgotten that the ‘Iron Man’ was a staunch critic of its politics and had it banned after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. In fact, Patel, then the home minister of the country, wrote to RSS leaders in 1948 explaining his decision to ban the group.

In a communique issued on February 4, 1948, the Central government said it was banning the RSS “to root out the forces of hate and violence that are at work in our country and imperil the freedom of the Nation and darken her fair name”.

Here is the full text of the communique, available in the Ministry of Home Affairs archives:

In their resolution of February 2, 1948, the Government of India declared their determination to root out the forces of hate and violence that are at work in our country and imperil the freedom of the Nation and darken her fair name. In pursuance of this policy the Government of India have decided to declare unlawful the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in the Chief Commissioner’s Provinces. Similar action is also being taken in the Governor’s Provinces.

As democratic governments, the Government of India and the provincial governments have always been anxious to allow reasonable scope for genuine political, social and economic activities to all parties and organisations including those whose policies and purposes differ from, or even run counter to their own, subject to the consideration that such activities should not transgress certain commonly recognised limits of propriety or law. The professed aims and objects of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh are to promote the physical, intellectual and moral well–being of the Hindus and also to foster feelings of brotherhood, love and service amongst them. Government themselves are most anxious to improve the general material and intellectual well–being of all sections of the people and have got schemes on hand which are designed to carry out these objects, particularly the provision of physical training and education in military matters to the youth of the country. Government have, however, noticed with regret that in practice members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have not adhered to their professed ideals.

Undesirable and even dangerous activities have been carried on by members of the Sangh. It has been found that in several parts of the country individual members of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have indulged in acts of violence involving arson, robbery, dacoity, and murder and have collected illicit arms and ammunition. They have been found circulating leaflets exhorting people to resort to terrorist methods, to collect firearms, to create disaffection against the government and suborn the police and the military. These activities have been carried on under a cloak of secrecy, and the government have considered from time to time how far these activities rendered it incumbent on them to deal with the Sangh in its corporate capacity. The last occasion when the government defined this attitude was when the Premiers and the Home Ministers of provinces met in Delhi in conference towards the end of November.

It was then unanimously agreed that the stage when the Sangh should be dealt with as an association had not yet arrived and that individuals should continue to be dealt with sternly as hitherto. The objectionable and harmful activities of the Sangh have, however, continued unabated and the cult of violence sponsored and inspired by the activities of the Sangh has claimed many victims. The latest and the most precious to fall was Gandhiji himself.

In these circumstances it is the bounden duty of the government to take effective measures to curb this reappearance of violence in a virulent form and as a first step to this end, they have decided to declare the Sangh as an unlawful association. Government have no doubt that in taking this measure they have the support of all law–abiding citizens, of all those who have the welfare of the country at heart.

While Sardar Patel may have had a soft spot for the RSS before Gandhi’s assassination, he wrote strongly against the group’s activities in the aftermath of the crime. Patel wrote to Hindu Mahasabha leader Syama Prasad Mookerjee on July 18, 1948, indicting the RSS for continuing with its activities despite the ban:

“There is no doubt in my mind that the extreme section of the Hindu Mahasabha was involved in the conspiracy [to kill Gandhi]. The activities of the RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence of Government and the State. Our reports show that those activities, despite the ban, have not died down. Indeed, as time has marched on, the RSS circles are becoming more defiant and are indulging in their subversive activities in an increasing measure.”

Patel also wrote to M.S. Golwalkar in September 1948, explaining his decision to ban the RSS. He said:

“Organising the Hindus and helping them is one thing but going in for revenge for its sufferings on innocent and helpless men, women and children is quite another thing…apart from this, their opposition to the Congress, that to of such virulence, disregarding all considerations of personality, decay of decorum, created a kind of unrest among the people. All their speeches were fill of communal poison. It was not necessary to spread poison in order to enthuse the Hindus and organise for their protection. As a final result of the poison, the country had to suffer the sacrifice of the invaluable life of Gandhiji. Even an iota of the sympathy of the Government, or of the people, no more remained for the RSS. In face opposition grew. Opposition turned more severe, when the RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhiji’s death. Under these conditions, it became inevitable for the Government to take action against the RSS…Since then over six months have elapsed. We had hoped that after this lapse of time, with full and proper consideration, the RSS persons would come to the right path. But from the reports that come to me, it is evident that attempts to put fresh life into their same old activities are afoot.”

In November 1948, Patel met with RSS chief M.S. Golwalkar at the latter’s request. They met twice, according to a government communique issued on November 14, 1948. In the first meeting, Golwalkar said he needed time to speak to his supporters and influence them along the “right lines”. In the second meeting, however, Golwalkar reportedly said that he could not “bind himself to any change until the ban was lifted”. The Centre then contacted provincial governments, the communique states, which said that “activities carried on in various forms and ways by the people associated with the RSS tend to be anti-national and often subversive and violent and that persistent attempts are being made by the RSS to revive an atmosphere which was productive of such disastrous consequences in the past. For these reasons, the provincial government have declared themselves opposed to the withdrawal of the ban and the Government of India have concurred with the view of the provincial governments.”

After Golwalkar was told of this decision, he sought further meetings with both Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru, but Patel refused to meet him again.

The RSS chief then wrote to the prime minister and home minister, “explaining inter alia that the RSS agrees entirely in the conception of a secular state for India and that it accepts the National Flag of the country and requesting that the ban imposed on the organisation in February should now be lifted.”

“The professions are however quite inconsistent with the practice of his followers and for the reasons already explained above, the Government of India find themselves unable to advise provincial governments to lift the ban,” the government communique says.

The ban on the RSS was eventually lifted on July 11, 1949, after Golwalkar agreed to make certain promises as conditions for the ban being revoked. In its communique announcing the lifting of the ban, the government of India said that the organisation and its leader had promised to be loyal to the constitution and the flag.

“The RSS leader has undertaken to make the loyalty to the Union Constitution and respect for the National Flag more explicit in the Constitution of the RSS and to provide clearly that persons believing or resorting to violent and secret methods will have no place in the Sangh. The RSS leader has also clarified that the Constitution will be worked on a democratic basis.

…In the light of the modifications made and clarifications given by the RSS leader, the Government of India have come to the conclusion that the RSS organisation should be given an opportunity to function as a democratic, cultural organisation owing loyalty to the Indian Constitution and recognising the National Flag eschewing secrecy and abjuring violence. Indeed the Government feel that, under a Constitution embodying these principles and worked in the right spirit, no reasonable objection can be taken to such functioning.”

Article first published on theWire.in

By Harish Gupta

Dragging Research & Analysis Wing (RAW), country’s premier external intelligence agency, in the turf war dug CBI Director Alok Verma’s grave on the early hours of October 23.

It transpires that an angry RAW chief Anil Dhasmana rushed to the Prime Minister on Sunday – October 21 and told him “Our entire operation system in Dubai has been exposed. We have been exposed by our own agency, our men are in danger ! How can we function ?” As if this was not enough Dhasmana who is a very cool, calm and composed officer, went to the extent of saying, “Sir, if this goes on its better we shut down the RAW.”

Dhasmana told the PM that Samant Kumar Goel who is number two in the RAW, was once Dubai’s RAW’s station director in Dubai. He also told that Mahesh Prasad and Somesh Prasad are the sons of former RAW top officer. He was once head of RAW operations in Dubai.

Mahesh Prasad is an Investment banker while Somesh Prasad runs his own company. Both brothers used to help RAW whenever needed and provide vital information. They were in touch with Samant Kumar Goel who was RAW’s operations head in Dubai once.

The Prime Minister was seething with anger with Alok Verma after Anil Dhasmana complained and gave details of what’s happening. The PM summoned Alok Verma the same day – Sunday October 21 and heard his side of the story. However, it was clear that the PM was unhappy. But he refrained from telling him to quit.

He curtly told Verma to meet Ajit Doval. It was National security Adviser Ajit Doval who told Verma to put in his papers. Doval had a long meeting with Verma during which he told Verma that he had badly let him down. “I brought you into the CBI and you did it (referring to dragging RAW’s name).

He also took him to task for naming Samant Kumar Goel in the FIR against Rakesh Asthana. Though Goel was not named as an accused or as a witness, still the FIR named him. Though thegovernment was upset with Alok Verma for the past many months for declaring an open war against Asthana.

It was Verma who wrote a letter against Asthana way back in October 2017 to the CVC leveling allegations of corruption. The feud continued for throughout the year between the two officers and the agency was a divided house and government shut its eyes hoping that Verma will retire on February 1, 2019 without doing any damage to the institution.

But Verma, humiliated by his junior all through, booked him in the corruption case and lodged an FIR against him on October 15, 2018. Even then the government was not unduly worried. But Verma’s fate was sealed the moment he made RAW’s number 2 Goel’s name public in the Asthana case.

When Ajit Doval told Verma on October 21 evening to send resignation, he said he would send it and got up to leave. A sharp former IB chief who is now most powerful man in the PMO, told him to send the resignation on the email and also by fax immediately.

But instead of going to office Verma went home. It transpires that Verma did not send the email until midnight. Doval expected that he will send the resignation by Monday after reaching office on October 22. But Verma didn’t. When Doval called him over the mobile phone, Verma didn’t take his call either.

It was at this moment that decision to sack the “rouge” Director was taken by the PM after consulting Doval. The CVC was told to complete the process of inquiry the same day. The inquiry against Verma was already going on after Cabinet Secretary wrote to the CVC to look into the allegations against him. I

It can now be told that the CVC office remained oopen until 11.30 pm and eight page report was sent back to the Cabinet Secretary who was also waiting in his office. Cabinet Secretary P K Sinha consulted the Secretary, Personnel Dr C Chandramouli, Secretary Home Rajiv Gauba were in toe.

A recommendation of action was sent to the Principal secretary to the PM, Nripendra Mishra who was also sitting in the office. P K Mishra was also there and PM was also awake. It took almost two hours to complete the process and sack order to Verma was sent at 2 am in the morning.

Harish Gupta is the national editor of Lokmat Group