Kyrgyzstan has reaffirmed its commitment to abolishing the death penalty following a period of intense public debate triggered by a high-profile criminal case, with authorities and international partners emphasizing prevention and rule-of-law reforms as more effective responses to violent crime.

The debate emerged after the rape and murder of a young girl in September 2025, which prompted widespread public outrage and calls for the reinstatement of capital punishment. The issue quickly gained political traction, culminating in a formal proposal by President Sadyr Japarov to seek a constitutional review of whether the death penalty could be reintroduced.

The Constitutional Court delivered its ruling on 10 December 2025, concluding that reinstating capital punishment would violate Kyrgyzstan’s international treaty obligations, which are embedded within its constitutional framework. The decision effectively blocked any immediate return to the death penalty and reinforced the country’s legal commitments under international law.

Kyrgyzstan has maintained a moratorium on executions since 1998 and formally abolished the death penalty in 2010 following its ratification of the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The protocol obliges signatory states to take all necessary measures to prevent the reintroduction of capital punishment.

The United Nations human rights office played a consultative role throughout the process. According to Matilda Bogner, Regional Representative for Central Asia, the office engaged with both executive and judicial authorities to provide guidance on international legal standards and treaty obligations.

“It is positive to see that despite an initiative that appeared to have strong public backing but did not comply with international obligations, the rule of law approach ultimately prevailed in Kyrgyzstan,” Bogner said.The episode has also prompted broader discussions within the country about the nature of justice, particularly in cases involving serious violent crime.

While public sentiment in the aftermath of the incident favored harsher punitive measures, international human rights officials have argued that such approaches are not supported by evidence as effective deterrents.UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk said that while the crimes cited by authorities were “clearly appalling” and required accountability, there is no empirical basis to conclude that capital punishment reduces the incidence of serious offenses.

He called instead for responses grounded in prevention, victim protection, and institutional strengthening.Türk emphasized the need for a “well-resourced, victim-centred approach” to tackling violence, particularly sexual and gender-based violence.

This approach, he said, should focus on improving access to justice and ensuring that systems are capable of responding effectively to early warning signs.Bogner echoed this perspective, noting that a predictable and consistent rule-of-law framework is more effective in preventing violence than reintroducing capital punishment into a system that may lack uniformity in enforcement. “A rule of law process that is predictable is a better form of prevention of egregious cases,” she said.

The focus on prevention has translated into ongoing institutional reforms. The UN human rights office is working with Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs to develop a new risk assessment system aimed at strengthening early intervention in cases of gender-based violence. The system is intended to enable law enforcement agencies to identify potential risks, monitor evolving situations, and take timely action to prevent escalation.

Authorities in Kyrgyzstan have also reiterated their commitment to upholding international legal standards following the Constitutional Court’s decision. Officials, including representatives from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, have emphasized the importance of maintaining adherence to the rule of law while addressing public concerns over safety and justice.

The case highlights the challenges faced by governments in balancing public demand for punitive measures with international legal obligations and evidence-based policy approaches. It also underscores the broader shift in international human rights discourse toward prevention-focused strategies, particularly in addressing gender-based violence.

Efforts to strengthen legal and institutional frameworks are seen as critical to improving outcomes for victims. This includes ensuring that police and judicial systems are adequately resourced, capable of responding promptly to complaints, and equipped to handle sensitive cases involving women and girls.

The UN human rights office has indicated that its engagement with Kyrgyz authorities will continue, with a focus on building systems that prioritize accountability and prevention. The approach aligns with broader international efforts to address gender-based violence through structural reforms rather than punitive escalation.

The developments in Kyrgyzstan reflect an evolving policy stance in which adherence to international obligations and evidence-based approaches are being prioritized over retributive measures, even in the face of strong public pressure following serious criminal incidents.

A United Nations human rights report has warned that conditions in Afghanistan continue to deteriorate sharply under the country’s de facto Taliban authorities, with women and girls facing the most severe restrictions and millions struggling amid a deepening humanitarian crisis.

The assessment, presented by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk at the latest session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, covers developments between August 2025 and January 2026. It highlights a convergence of economic decline, reduced international aid, environmental stress, and governance policies that have significantly constrained civil liberties.

According to the report, approximately 21.9 million people around 45 percent of Afghanistan’s population—are expected to require humanitarian assistance in 2026. The situation has been exacerbated by a reduction in external funding, the return of nearly three million Afghans from neighboring countries during 2025, and persistent drought conditions affecting livelihoods and food security.

Türk said a series of directives issued since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021 has had a “crushing impact” on the population, particularly women and girls. These measures, the report states, have effectively excluded women from most areas of public and professional life.

Since September 2025, Taliban security forces have barred Afghan women, including United Nations staff and contractors, from entering UN premises across the country. The restriction remained in place as of late January 2026, significantly limiting the organization’s operational capacity and its ability to deliver humanitarian assistance.The report also details the formal dismissal of women civil servants.

After being instructed to remain at home following the Taliban takeover while receiving a reduced monthly salary of 5,000 Afghanis, women were informed in January 2026 that their employment had been terminated without due process or compensation. The UN noted the absence of transparency and mitigation measures in this decision.

Educational restrictions remain in place, with girls excluded from schooling beyond the sixth grade and barred from higher education since December 2022. The report notes that medical graduation examinations were conducted in November 2025 without female candidates for a second consecutive year, following a ban on women attending medical institutes imposed in December 2024.

Additional measures have further limited women’s participation in public life. Authorities have enforced dress codes under the “Law on the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice,” and although the requirement for full-body covering appears to have been relaxed in some areas, women not adhering to prescribed attire continue to face denial of access to public transport, markets, and services.

The closure of beauty salons and the removal of books authored by women from libraries and bookstores, regardless of subject matter, have further restricted cultural and intellectual expression.“The de facto authorities have, in effect, criminalized the presence of women and girls in public life,” Türk said, adding that these policies affect access to healthcare, civic participation, and freedom of movement and expression.

The report also identifies broader human rights concerns, including the use of public executions and corporal punishment. Since 2021, authorities have carried out 12 public executions, including two during the reporting period, often in sports stadiums. Public floggings are reported to occur on a weekly basis.In late September 2025, Afghanistan experienced a nationwide shutdown of its fibre optic network, resulting in a 48-hour blackout of internet and mobile services.

The disruption affected healthcare delivery, emergency response systems, aviation operations, and financial services, according to the report, which noted that no official explanation was provided.Media freedom has also come under increased pressure. Journalists face arbitrary detention and restrictions on content, while live political talk shows have been banned since February 2025.

Broadcasting of music and drama has also been prohibited. Women journalists who remain active in the profession encounter additional barriers, including reported incidents of being silenced during official briefings.Türk described the overall situation as severe, citing widespread poverty and limited access to essential services.

“Millions of Afghans live in utter poverty, deprived of their right to adequate food, clean water, and access to education, healthcare and employment,” he said. He added that natural disasters, including two earthquakes in late 2025, have compounded existing challenges, while funding cuts have weakened humanitarian response efforts.

Security conditions along Afghanistan’s borders have also contributed to instability. The UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan documented 70 civilian deaths and 478 injuries attributed to Pakistani military actions during cross-border incidents in the final quarter of 2025.

The report notes that these figures exceed annual civilian casualty levels recorded in previous years, with the most intense period occurring between October 10 and 17, when more than 500 civilians were affected.In response to these developments, the UN has called on Afghanistan’s de facto authorities to reverse policies that restrict fundamental rights.

Recommendations include restoring women’s access to education and employment, halting executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty, ending arbitrary detentions, and ensuring fair trial standards. The report also calls for respect for freedom of expression and unimpeded humanitarian access.

The UN has urged member states to suspend forced returns of Afghan nationals, warning that deportees face credible risks of persecution, torture, and other serious harm. It has also emphasized the importance of supporting a newly established Independent Investigative Mechanism mandated to collect evidence of potential international crimes.

Türk noted that accountability efforts have gained some traction, referencing arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court in July 2025. He called on states to cooperate with ongoing investigations and provide financial support for accountability mechanisms.

Separately, a civil society-led People’s Tribunal for Women of Afghanistan delivered a symbolic judgment in December 2025, finding the Taliban and associated authorities responsible for crimes against humanity, including gender-based persecution and arbitrary detention.

The tribunal also called for the recognition of “gender apartheid” as a distinct international crime.Türk endorsed efforts to formalize this concept in international law, stating that defining gender apartheid would be a critical step toward addressing systemic discrimination. He urged Afghan authorities to reconsider policies excluding women from public life, emphasizing their central role in the country’s future.

“Women and girls are the present and the future, and the country cannot thrive without them.”

In Delhi, official data and field reports indicate that domestic violence remains a persistent feature of urban life, cutting across income groups and educational backgrounds.

According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5, 2019–21), approximately 29% of ever-married women in India have experienced spousal violence at some point, with urban prevalence slightly lower than rural figures but still significant in absolute numbers due to population density.

Police records from the National Crime Records Bureau show that cases registered under “cruelty by husband or his relatives” consistently account for the largest share of crimes against women. In its latest available annual report, the NCRB documented over 100,000 such cases nationwide, with Delhi among the cities reporting a high volume of complaints relative to its population.

A 34-year-old resident of East Delhi, whose identity is being withheld for legal reasons, described repeated instances of physical and psychological abuse over several years of marriage. Her case was registered under provisions of the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, which provides for civil remedies including protection orders, residence rights, and financial relief.

According to court filings reviewed by legal aid groups, delays in enforcement and procedural bottlenecks often limit the effectiveness of these protections.

India’s legal framework addressing domestic violence includes both criminal and civil provisions. Section 498A of the Indian Penal Code criminalizes cruelty by a husband or his relatives, while the Domestic Violence Act of 2005 broadens the scope to include physical, emotional, economic, and sexual abuse.

Despite this, implementation remains uneven.Data from the Delhi Commission for Women indicates that complaint volumes surged during periods of restricted mobility, particularly during pandemic-related lockdowns, when access to support networks was limited.

While complaint numbers have since stabilized, officials say underreporting continues to be a structural issue. Social stigma, economic dependency, and concerns about familial disruption are cited by advocacy groups as key factors discouraging women from seeking formal recourse.

Legal practitioners working with survivors report that interim relief orders, though provided by law, are not always issued in a timely manner. Court backlogs and administrative delays can extend proceedings over months or years.

Shelter homes and protection officers, mandated under the Domestic Violence Act, remain unevenly distributed across districts, limiting access for vulnerable populations.

Research conducted by the International Institute for Population Sciences, which coordinates the NFHS, indicates that domestic violence correlates with a range of socio-economic factors, including household income, educational attainment, and exposure to intergenerational violence.

However, the data also shows that no demographic group is entirely insulated.Urban centers such as Delhi present a complex pattern. Higher literacy rates and greater institutional access contribute to increased reporting relative to rural areas, yet the underlying incidence remains substantial.

NCRB data suggests that metropolitan areas account for a disproportionate share of registered cases, reflecting both higher population density and relatively greater access to law enforcement mechanisms.

A senior official at a Delhi-based women’s helpline, speaking on condition of anonymity, stated that psychological abuse and economic control are frequently underreported compared to physical violence.

This aligns with findings from NFHS-5, which notes that non-physical forms of abuse often go unrecognized within both legal and social frameworks.

Government and civil society responses have focused on expanding reporting mechanisms and support infrastructure. The Delhi government operates dedicated helplines and has increased funding for one-stop crisis centres, which provide medical, legal, and psychological assistance.

These centres are part of a broader national initiative supported by the Ministry of Women and Child Development.At the national level, policy discussions have increasingly emphasized the need for integrated responses that combine legal enforcement with social support systems. Experts argue that addressing domestic violence requires coordination across police, judiciary, healthcare providers, and community organizations.

Data sharing and standardization of reporting practices have also been identified as areas requiring improvement.The economic implications of domestic violence have drawn attention in recent policy debates. Studies by multilateral institutions, including the World Bank, have highlighted the broader impact on workforce participation and productivity.

Women experiencing domestic violence are more likely to face disruptions in employment, contributing to wider economic costs.

Despite these initiatives, enforcement gaps remain a persistent concern. Advocacy groups point to the need for greater accountability in implementing existing laws, rather than introducing new legislative measures.

Training for law enforcement personnel and judicial officers has been identified as a critical factor in improving case outcomes.

In Delhi, the woman whose case is currently under judicial consideration continues to navigate the legal process while residing in temporary accommodation arranged through a local support organization.

Her case reflects patterns documented in official data, where legal remedies exist but their accessibility and timeliness remain inconsistent across jurisdictions.

Waheedullah Hashimi, a senior figure in the Taliban who is close to the leadership, told Reuters the group would fully implement its version of sharia, or Islamic law, despite pressure from the international community to allow women the right to work where they want.

Since the movement swept to power last month, Taliban officials have said women would be able to work and study within the limits laid down by sharia.

But there has been widespread uncertainty about what practical effect that will have on their ability to keep their jobs. When the Taliban last ruled Afghanistan from 1996-2001, women were barred from employment and education.

The issue is of major importance to the international community and could impact the amount of aid and other assistance that is given to Afghanistan, which is in the throes of economic crisis.

“We have fought for almost 40 years to bring (the) sharia law system to Afghanistan,” Hashimi said in an interview. “Sharia … does not allow men and women to get together or sit together under one roof.

“Men and women cannot work together. That is clear. They are not allowed to come to our offices and work in our ministries.”

It was unclear to what extent Hashimi’s comments reflected the new government’s policies, although they appeared to go further than public comments made by some other officials.

In the days following the Taliban’s conquest of Kabul, Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid told reporters that women were an important part of the community and they would work “in different sectors”.

He also specifically included women employees in a call for government bureaucrats to return to their jobs.

All-Men Cabinet

However, the cabinet appointments announced on Sept. 7 did not include any women and there have been widespread reports of women being sent back home from their workplaces.

Hashimi said the ban on women would also apply to sectors like media and banking, where women have become increasingly prominent since the Taliban fell in 2001 and a Western-backed government was installed.

Contact between men and women outside the home will be allowed in certain circumstances, for example when seeing a male doctor, he added.

Women should also be allowed to study and work in the education and medical sectors, where separate facilities can be set up for their exclusive use.

“We will of course need women, for example in medicine, in education. We will have separate institutions for them, separate hospitals, separate universities maybe, separate schools, separate madrassas.”

On Sunday, the Taliban’s new education minister said women could study at university, but must be segregated from men.

Women have staged several protests across Afghanistan, demanding that the rights they won over the last two decades be preserved. Some rallies have been broken up by Taliban gunmen firing shots into the air.

Improved women’s rights – more noticeable in urban centres than deeply conservative rural areas – were repeatedly cited by the United States as one of the biggest successes of its 20-year operation in the country that officially ended on Aug. 31.

The female labour participation rate stood at 23% in 2020, according to the World Bank, up from effectively zero when the Taliban last ruled.

Several teachers said there was uncertainty over what rules would be imposed under the Taliban.

Students across Afghanistan have started returning to university for the first time since the Taliban stormed to power, and in some cases females have been separated from their male peers by curtains or boards down the middle of the classroom.

What happens in universities and schools across the country is being closely watched by foreign powers, who want the Islamist militant movement to respect the rights of women in return for vital aid and diplomatic engagement.

When it last ruled from 1996-2001, the group banned girls from school and women from university and work.

Despite assurances in recent weeks that women’s rights would be honoured in accordance with Islamic law, it is unclear what that will mean in practice.

Teachers and students at universities in Afghanistan’s largest cities – Kabul, Kandahar and Herat – told Reuters that female students were being segregated in class, taught separately or restricted to certain parts of the campus.

“Putting up curtains is not acceptable,” Anjila, a 21-year-old student at Kabul University who returned to find her classroom partitioned, told Reuters by telephone.

“I really felt terrible when I entered the class … We are gradually going back to 20 years ago.”

Even before the Taliban took over Afghanistan, Anjila said female students sat separately from males. But classrooms were not physically divided.

A document outlining guidelines for resuming class circulated by an association of private universities in Afghanistan listed measures such as the mandatory wearing of hijabs and separate entrances for female students.

It also said female teachers should be hired to teach female students, and that females should be taught separately or, in smaller classes, segregated by a curtain.

It was unclear if the document, seen by Reuters, represented official Taliban policy. The group’s spokesperson did not immediately comment on the document, on photographs of divided classrooms or on how universities would be run.

The Taliban said last week that schooling should resume but that males and females should be separated.

A senior Taliban official told Reuters that classroom dividers such as curtains were “completely acceptable”, and that given Afghanistan’s “limited resources and manpower” it was best to “have the same teacher teaching both sides of a class.”

Keep Studying

Photographs shared by Avicenna University in Kabul, and widely circulated on social media, show a grey curtain running down the centre of the classroom, with female students wearing long robes and head coverings but their faces visible.

Several teachers said there was uncertainty over what rules would be imposed under the Taliban, who have yet to form a government more than three weeks after they seized Kabul with barely a shot fired in anger.

Their return to power has alarmed some women, who fear they will lose the rights they fought for in the last two decades, in the face of resistance from many families and officials in the deeply conservative Muslim country.

A journalism professor at Herat University in the west of the country told Reuters he decided to split his one-hour class into two halves, first teaching females and then males.

Of 120 students enrolled for his course, less than a quarter showed up at school on Monday. A number of students and teachers have fled the country, and the fate of the country’s thriving private media sector has suddenly been thrown into doubt.

“Students were very nervous today,” he said. “I told them to just keep coming and keep studying and in the coming days the new government will set the rules.”

Sher Azam, a 37-year-old teacher at a private university in Kabul, said his institute had given teachers the option of holding separate classes for men and women, or partitioning classrooms with curtains and boards.

But he was worried about how many students would come back, given the economic crisis the Taliban’s victory has triggered.

“I don’t know how many students will return to school, because there are financial problems and some students are coming from families who have lost their jobs”.