A US airstrike in southern Somalia that killed at least 12 civilians, including eight children, in November 2025 has raised renewed questions over the consequences of American military operations targeting armed groups in the country.

The strike took place in Jamaame, a town in Somalia’s Lower Juba region, on the morning of Nov. 15, according to accounts gathered from residents and reviewed evidence from the attack site. The United States has not publicly acknowledged civilian deaths from the operation.

Residents said the attack began shortly after 9 a.m. when aircraft were heard above the town. Witnesses described a series of explosions that struck residential areas and a religious school, leaving homes damaged or destroyed.The victims included children who had been returning from Qur’an school, families inside their homes, and a pregnant woman, according to relatives and witnesses.

The US military confirmed that it had conducted an operation against al-Shabaab, an armed group linked to al-Qaida that has carried out attacks in Somalia and neighbouring countries. The strike was part of a wider campaign of US air operations aimed at disrupting the group.Residents said the aircraft involved were likely drones.

The weaponry used in the attack was not publicly disclosed, but witnesses described repeated missile strikes consistent with the use of remotely piloted aircraft.At one home in Jamaame, relatives said the attack killed Safiyo Hassan Abukar, who was heavily pregnant, along with her children Abdifatah, 10, Abdinasir, 7, Hussein, 6, and Abdurahman, 4.Mohamed, the children’s grandfather, said he rushed to the scene after hearing explosions and found debris scattered around the destroyed house.

He said Abdifatah was often close to his mother and helped her with household tasks. He described Abdinasir as a child who regularly asked him to pray so he could memorise the Qur’an.Other residents reported similar losses.

Marian Haji Abdi Guled said her children were returning from Qur’an school when the attack occurred. She said the sound of aircraft overhead caused fear among residents before the strikes hit.According to Guled, her children were injured when missiles struck nearby.

She said the area became chaotic as residents attempted to move away from the attacks.Maryan Nur Buruji said her pregnant stepdaughter sought shelter at the Qur’an school with her two-year-old child. She said the school was later hit, killing the woman while the toddler survived.

Another resident, Mohamed Hassan Abdulle, said he returned to find his home destroyed and his wife, Farhiyo Hassan Nuur, and their 10-month-old daughter, Layla, dead.Farmers working outside the town also described receiving urgent calls from relatives as the attack unfolded.Gedow Ibrahim said he was working in his sesame fields when his wife called, warning him that drones were flying overhead.

He told her to remain inside, but later received another call saying their home had been hit.He said his daughters Maryan, 9, and Farhiyo, 7, were killed, while another child, Amin, 8, was injured by shrapnel.The attack also killed other residents, including a local imam, according to witnesses.

Residents said at least 15 explosions were heard and that numerous homes were damaged. Witnesses estimated that about 18 houses were destroyed, while the school was heavily damaged.The incident is among the deadliest reported civilian casualties from a US operation in Somalia in recent years.

Previous major incidents involving US forces in Somalia include the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, known as “Black Hawk Down,” which resulted in significant casualties during a failed US military mission.The strike occurred months after the start of the second Trump administration, during a period when US policy toward Somalia was being reassessed.

In early 2025, US defence officials held discussions with senior officers from US Africa Command, which oversees American military operations on the continent.A directive issued during that period changed procedures governing aspects of US military operations, according to reporting on the policy shift. The effect of those changes on individual operations was not publicly detailed.

US officials have repeatedly said American military action in Somalia is aimed at preventing attacks by al-Shabaab and reducing the group’s ability to operate. The group has controlled territory in parts of Somalia at various times and has carried out attacks against civilians, government forces, and international targets.

Human rights organisations have previously raised concerns about civilian harm from airstrikes in Somalia and other conflict zones, calling for greater transparency around targeting decisions and investigations into possible civilian casualties.The Jamaame strike has renewed scrutiny over the balance between counterterrorism operations and civilian protection in areas where armed groups operate among local populations.

For the families affected, the consequences remain centred on the loss of relatives who were inside homes, travelling from school, or working nearby when the strikes occurred.Abdullahi Mohamed Abo Sheikh Ali, whose family was killed, said he believed civilians had been caught in the attack.

“The Americans bombed us,” he said. “Children, women and elders were bombed. They spared nothing.”

Residents in central Mali told Reuters that fighters from Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) now collect taxes, settle local disputes and distribute aid in some communities, while using fewer threats than in previous years.

Five years ago, militants in some villages threatened people who challenged their interpretation of Islam, according to residents. More recently, they have focused on religious messaging and local administration, they said.

JNIM, formed in 2017 after several militant groups merged and pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda, has spent years expanding across the Sahel region. The group has imposed restrictions including bans on music, smoking and some social activities while carrying out attacks against state forces.

The group gained strength after Mali’s military rulers took power in 2020 and removed French and United Nations forces from the country, while seeking support from Russian military contractors. JNIM later carried out major attacks, including strikes in Bamako and assaults on military positions.

Despite its military operations, residents and analysts said JNIM has increasingly sought to present itself as a governing authority in areas where it holds influence.

“The stronger they have become, the less brutal they have to be,” said Sahel expert Corinne Dufka, adding that residents’ acceptance of JNIM rule was shaped by a combination of coercion, fear and adaptation.

Tuareg-led separatist leader Bilal Ag Cherif, whose movement has cooperated with JNIM in parts of northern Mali, said he had observed changes within the group, including greater openness to local interpretations of Islam and discussions on political issues.

The separatists, now known as the Azawad Liberation Front, have urged JNIM fighters to distance themselves from Al-Qaeda and focus more on local concerns, Cherif said.

JNIM has said it aims to remove Russian forces from Mali and challenge the military leaders who seized power after coups in 2020 and 2021. The group has also increased messaging aimed at gaining wider support among Malians.

Mali’s government has rejected talks with armed groups, with Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop saying the authorities would not negotiate with groups responsible for violence in the country.

JNIM remains accused of severe abuses, including killings and attacks on civilians. In January, the group was blamed for an attack on a fuel convoy that killed 12 people, while attacks in May killed about 50 people in central Mali.

Some residents living under JNIM control said the group’s rule was now more predictable than earlier periods of conflict, though freedoms remained restricted.

“Since JNIM has controlled the area, we are safe. Even though their rule is difficult to respect, we have gotten used to it,” said Aminata, a resident of the Mopti region.

Analysts say JNIM’s approach reflects a broader shift among militant groups in the Sahel, where insurgents increasingly seek local legitimacy while continuing armed campaigns against governments.

Mali’s authorities and Russian partners have denied accusations of targeting civilians, saying their operations focus on militants.

Trump said the operation was conducted by the US Southern Command and coordinated with Venezuelan authorities. Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth said the strike took place earlier in the week and confirmed Guerrero was killed.

Venezuela’s information ministry said the operation involved clashes with criminal groups and that Guerrero was neutralized, adding that the action involved intelligence-sharing and specialized technological support.

The Trump administration has previously sanctioned Guerrero and other Tren de Aragua leaders over alleged involvement in drug trafficking, human smuggling and money laundering. Washington has designated Tren de Aragua as a foreign terrorist organization.

Trump has accused the group of coordinating activities in the United States with Venezuela’s government, a claim his administration has cited in support of deportation measures targeting some migrants.

Tren de Aragua emerged from Venezuela’s Tocorón prison and expanded across parts of Latin America. Authorities have linked the group to crimes including extortion, kidnapping, human trafficking, money laundering and organized criminal activity.

Guerrero escaped from Tocorón prison in 2023 shortly before a police operation against the facility, according to authorities.

The 416 captives, all taken from Ngoshe village in Borno State, regained their freedom on Saturday, according to community representatives involved in efforts to secure their release.

Samaila Kaigama, president of the Borno South Youth Alliance (BOSYA), said the organization helped facilitate communication between the abductors and affected families and confirmed that all those kidnapped from Ngoshe had been released.

“We have secured the release of all the 416 women and children abducted from Ngoshe,” Kaigama told journalists.

The release was also confirmed by Senator Mohammed Ali Ndume, who represents Borno South in Nigeria’s Senate. However, neither Ndume nor BOSYA disclosed how the captives’ freedom was obtained.

Authorities have consistently maintained that the Nigerian government does not pay ransoms to secure the release of hostages. Nevertheless, security analysts and local observers have long argued that ransom payments frequently occur through various channels, including negotiations involving families, intermediaries and local actors.

The circumstances surrounding the latest release remain unclear, with neither government officials nor community mediators providing details about any negotiations that may have taken place.

The incident underscores the continuing threat posed by Boko Haram and other armed groups operating across Nigeria despite years of military campaigns against insurgents.

Ngoshe, located less than 10 kilometers from the border with Cameroon in the mountainous Gwoza area, lies within a region historically regarded as a stronghold of Boko Haram militants. The community has repeatedly been targeted during the insurgency.

Kidnapping has evolved into one of the most lucrative tactics employed by armed groups in Nigeria. Militants, criminal gangs commonly known as bandits and separatist organizations increasingly rely on abductions for financial gain, targeting villagers, students, travelers and local officials.

According to a report by Lagos-based security consultancy SBM Intelligence, ransom payments across Nigeria totaled approximately $1.66 million between July 2024 and June 2025, highlighting the scale of the country’s abduction crisis.

Boko Haram launched its insurgency in 2009 with the aim of overthrowing the Nigerian state and imposing its interpretation of Islamic rule. The conflict has since fractured into multiple armed factions and evolved into one of Africa’s longest-running security crises.

The violence has killed tens of thousands of people and displaced millions across northeastern Nigeria and neighboring countries, while recurring attacks and kidnappings continue to challenge efforts to stabilize the region.

The attacks occurred between May 31 and June 3, coinciding with voting in Ethiopia’s parliamentary elections on June 1, which the OLA had previously threatened to disrupt. While authorities confirmed the incidents and blamed the insurgent group, they did not provide an official casualty figure.

Witnesses in Arsi zone told AFP that OLA fighters attacked the village of Eleta Chefa on multiple occasions, killing residents and forcing thousands to flee. Two residents said they personally knew 11 people who were killed during the assaults.

A medical worker who treated victims from several affected communities said he had counted 56 deaths and approximately 50 injuries linked to attacks across multiple localities during the four-day period. The figures could not be independently verified because access to conflict-affected areas remains heavily restricted and official information has been limited.

One survivor said armed militants used rifles to target residents, adding that Orthodox Christians, whom attackers allegedly viewed as sympathetic to the federal government, were among those targeted. He also said Muslims who attempted to protect their neighbors came under attack.

The witness estimated that as many as 3,000 people, including women, children and elderly residents, fled the area following the violence. Another resident said Eleta Chefa was attacked twice, on May 31 and June 1, and reported extensive destruction of homes, crops and livestock.

The medical worker said many displaced residents remained scattered across forests, churches and relatives’ homes, complicating humanitarian assistance efforts. He described treating injuries caused by rifle fire, heavy weapons and sharp-edged weapons.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s office issued a statement on Friday expressing condolences to victims and their families, while reaffirming the government’s position that the attacks were carried out by the OLA.

The OLA rejected accusations of responsibility in a statement posted on X, instead accusing government authorities of fueling communal violence in the region.

The violence highlights the continuing instability in parts of Oromia despite the federal government’s broader efforts to consolidate control following years of conflict across Ethiopia. The OLA, which the government has designated a terrorist organization, has expanded significantly since 2018 and remains one of the country’s most active insurgent movements.

Although the group is not considered capable of threatening the federal government directly, it has repeatedly been linked to deadly attacks and insecurity across Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest regional state.

Official election results have yet to be announced, though Prime Minister Abiy’s Prosperity Party is widely expected to secure another commanding victory, extending its dominance of Ethiopian politics despite ongoing security concerns in several parts of the country.

Pakistani officials said the attack occurred on Sunday when a bomber drove an explosives-laden vehicle into a shuttle train carrying security personnel and their families, derailing several coaches and triggering extensive destruction in nearby civilian areas.

The separatist Baloch Liberation Army claimed responsibility for the bombing, the latest in a string of militant attacks in Balochistan, a strategically significant province bordering Iran and Afghanistan that hosts key Chinese-backed infrastructure projects including Gwadar port.

As rescue teams and residents continued clearing debris ahead of the Eid holiday, many families said celebrations had given way to grief and financial hardship.

“I appeal to the government to help me. My entire house, from top to bottom, has been destroyed,” said Hishrat, a resident whose home was severely damaged in the blast. She said the family had spent years saving money to build the property.

The explosion damaged homes, overturned vehicles and shattered nearby buildings, according to local authorities and images broadcast from the site. Officials said the train’s engine and several coaches were derailed in the attack.

Markets in Quetta remained active with Eid shoppers and livestock traders, but residents in the affected neighborhoods said the destruction had made holiday preparations impossible.

“People are roaming in the markets for Eid shopping and for purchasing animals for sacrifice, but for us, you see our condition,” said Muhammad Haseeb, a private-sector employee whose house was damaged in the blast.

“We are busy cleaning up our destroyed house. The explosion destroyed our entire neighborhood including our house. There has been a great deal of financial and human loss,” he added.

Another resident, Farooq, said the attack had erased any sense of festivity for many affected families.
“Eid is for those whose houses are intact and who can go shopping,” he said. “We also had to do shopping for Eid, but now that is impossible, because our house is destroyed.”

Balochistan has witnessed a decades-long separatist insurgency led by militant groups accusing the federal government of exploiting the province’s natural resources without adequately sharing economic benefits with the local population. Pakistani authorities reject the allegations and say security operations are aimed at restoring stability and protecting development projects.

The Baloch Liberation Army has intensified attacks in recent years against security forces, rail infrastructure and Chinese-linked investments in the province. In March last year, militants hijacked the Jaffar Express passenger train and held hundreds of passengers hostage before security forces ended the siege.

The latest bombing underscores the persistent security challenges facing Pakistan as authorities attempt to contain militant violence while safeguarding major regional connectivity and energy projects tied to China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

The explosion occurred as the train was passing through the Chaman Pattak area of Quetta on its journey from Quetta to Peshawar. According to a senior official, an explosives-laden vehicle rammed one of the train’s carriages, triggering a powerful blast that derailed part of the train and caused extensive damage.

Army personnel were among those killed in the attack, while many of the wounded were transported to local hospitals for treatment. Officials said several passengers were traveling to celebrate the upcoming Eid holiday, scheduled to begin on Tuesday.

Images from the scene showed a mangled carriage lying on its side beside the tracks as rescue workers, volunteers and security personnel searched for survivors. Bloodied passengers were carried away on stretchers while armed forces secured the area and emergency teams worked through the wreckage.

Witnesses described scenes of panic following the blast. Resident Mohammad Rahim said he and his family were awakened by a loud explosion that shook nearby buildings. Another witness, Abdul Basit, said people immediately ran for cover as the force of the blast reverberated through the neighborhood.

Authorities said nearby vehicles were damaged and train windows were blown out by the explosion. A police official told AFP that investigators believe the improvised explosive device used in the attack weighed approximately 35 kilograms.

No group immediately claimed responsibility for the bombing. Police and security agencies have launched an investigation into the incident.

The attack occurred in Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province by area and one of its least developed regions. The province has long been the center of a separatist insurgency, with armed groups accusing the federal government of failing to adequately share the benefits of the region’s natural gas reserves and mineral wealth.

Security forces have faced persistent attacks in Balochistan in recent years, targeting military personnel, infrastructure and transportation networks. The province borders both Iran and Afghanistan and occupies a strategically important position along regional trade and energy corridors.

According to the official, 21 Australians seven women and 14 children aged between eight and 14 departed Roj Camp on Thursday. They were transferred to Syrian authorities and taken to the capital, Damascus, for arrangements related to their return to Australia.
“There are no more Australians remaining in Roj,” the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The camp, administered by Kurdish authorities in northeastern Syria, has housed relatives of suspected foreign militants for years following the collapse of the self-declared caliphate established by Daesh.

The latest transfer follows the repatriation earlier this month of 13 Australians, including four women and nine children. Upon arrival in Australia, three of the women were arrested.

Australian authorities charged two women a mother and daughter with slavery-related offenses and crimes against humanity, alleging they kept a female slave after traveling to Syria in 2014 to support Daesh. Both had been detained by Kurdish forces since 2019.

A third woman was charged with entering a restricted area and joining a terrorist organization, while a fourth woman returned without being arrested.

Hundreds of women from Western countries traveled to Syria and Iraq during the rise of Daesh in the early 2010s, often accompanying family members who joined the militant group. Australia subsequently criminalized travel to areas under Daesh control, including parts of Syria.

Canberra has conducted several repatriation operations since 2019, gradually bringing home women and children from camps in northeastern Syria while assessing potential security and legal risks.
Daesh, which once controlled large territories across Syria and Iraq, was territorially defeated in 2019 following a military campaign led by Kurdish-backed forces with support from a US-led coalition.

Syria’s current authorities, who assumed power in 2024, have joined international efforts against Daesh and expanded government control into areas previously administered by Kurdish-led forces. However, Roj camp remains under Kurdish administration.

The departure of the final Australian nationals from Roj closes a chapter in one of Australia’s most complex repatriation efforts arising from the aftermath of the Syrian conflict and the defeat of Daesh.

The blast occurred in the Bab Sharqi district of the Syrian capital while army personnel were dismantling another explosive device discovered near the same location, the ministry said in a statement.

According to the ministry, “a car bomb exploded in the same area, resulting in the martyrdom of one soldier and injuries to others.”

A source from Syria’s civil defense services said at least one person had been killed in the explosion, though casualty figures had not been independently confirmed.

An AFP correspondent at the scene reported hearing a powerful explosion before witnessing a vehicle engulfed in flames near the defense-related building. Security forces quickly sealed off the surrounding area and deployed heavily across the neighborhood.

Authorities have not publicly identified those responsible for the attack, and no group immediately claimed responsibility.

The incident underscores ongoing security challenges in Syria despite a relative reduction in large-scale fighting following years of civil war and political instability.

Damascus has periodically experienced bombings, targeted attacks and security operations involving militant cells, particularly around government and military facilities.

The operative, identified as Mohammed Usman Jatt, also known as “Chinese,” was arrested last month alongside alleged Lashkar militant Abdullah by Srinagar police before the case was transferred to the National Investigation Agency due to what authorities described as its national and international dimensions.

Investigators said Jatt, a resident of Lahore trained by Lashkar-e-Taiba, had infiltrated into Indian territory with instructions to execute attacks and help establish sleeper cells outside Jammu and Kashmir.

During questioning, however, he allegedly said conditions in Kashmir differed significantly from narratives presented during militant training in Pakistan.

According to officials, Jatt said he had struggled with severe hair loss for years, affecting his confidence, and believed advanced hair restoration procedures were available only in Western countries until he learned about such treatment in Srinagar.

Investigators said Jatt was introduced to local contacts, including militants identified as Zargam and Abdullah, while staying in upper areas of Srinagar. Police said information obtained during interrogation helped uncover an alleged network of overground workers operating in Srinagar and northern Kashmir in support of Lashkar activities.

Officials said Jatt told interrogators he met a Srinagar shop owner who had undergone a hair transplant procedure and later persuaded him to arrange similar treatment. He allegedly underwent the procedure at a clinic within the city and occasionally stayed there overnight during recovery.

After the operation, investigators said Jatt traveled with Abdullah by passenger transport to Jammu before boarding a sleeper bus to Punjab en route to Malerkotla, where he reportedly spent time watching Turkish television programs and attempting to learn English.

According to officials, Jatt told interrogators he intended to secure genuine Indian identity documents, including an Aadhaar card, PAN card and eventually a passport, with the aim of leaving India using forged or fraudulently obtained documentation.

Investigators linked his account to another alleged Lashkar operative, Umar, nicknamed “Khargosh,” who authorities say infiltrated India after 2012 and later fled abroad in 2024 using forged travel documents allegedly obtained in Jaipur before eventually reaching a Gulf country through Indonesia.

The case emerged months after Srinagar police dismantled what authorities described as the “Al Falah module” in November 2025, an alleged militant network involving educated professionals accused of supporting extremist activities.

Police alleged one accused in that case, Umer-un Nabi of Al Falah University, drove an explosives-laden vehicle that detonated outside the Red Fort on Nov. 10, killing more than a dozen people, according to investigators.