Speaking to ILTV News this week, Rawan Osman, a prominent Syrian dissident and commentator, said she has consistently maintained her stance in Israeli media: “I’ve said it before and I’ll say it again—Syria will be next to normalize ties with Israel, even before Lebanon.”

Osman, who has been vocal in her opposition to the previous Assad regime, explained her reasoning by citing the speed with which anti-Assad forces dismantled the stronghold of the Ba’athist regime. “I saw how swiftly the rebels and jihadists overthrew [former President Bashar] al-Assad. That shift is irreversible,” she stated.

When asked about the credibility of the current Syrian leadership, Osman did not mince words. She expressed skepticism toward Ahmed al-Sharaa, the transitional leader and former jihadist reportedly linked to Al-Qaeda. “I do not trust Ahmed al-Sharaa,” she said. “He was part of Al-Qaeda, and many of his closest allies come from jihadist backgrounds.”

However, Osman emphasized the realpolitik of the current scenario: “At the moment, they are the best we have.”

Her remarks come amid growing speculation that more Arab states, particularly those grappling with post-conflict reconstruction, may seek normalization with Israel as a path to regional integration and economic recovery.

While critics view such diplomatic overtures as premature given Syria’s fractured political landscape, others argue that normalization might offer a lifeline to a country battered by years of war, isolation, and economic ruin.

The Abraham Accords, originally signed in 2020 between Israel, the UAE, and Bahrain—and later joined by Morocco and Sudan—marked a seismic shift in regional diplomacy. Should Syria join, it would mark a historic turnabout from decades of hostility and enmity.

Despite deep-seated skepticism from the Syrian diaspora and within Israel’s security establishment, voices like Osman’s are gaining traction in policy circles exploring post-war Syrian rehabilitation.

With Syria’s future still uncertain and power centers in flux, the mere discussion of potential normalization reflects broader changes underway across the Middle East—where former enemies may soon find themselves on speaking terms in a rapidly evolving geopolitical arena.

Since the fall of the Assad regime, al-Sharaa has repeatedly stated that Syria does not wish to pose a threat to Israel.

In a potentially game-changing development for the Middle East, Johnnie Moore, a prominent Evangelical pastor and close ally of former U.S. President Donald Trump, has expressed optimism about the prospect of peace between Syria and Israel. Speaking to Reuters following a rare visit to Damascus, Moore stated, “Peace is very possible—perhaps even likely.”

Moore met Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani) alongside Rabbi Abraham Cooper of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, a Jewish human rights organization. The delegation, focused on interfaith dialogue and humanitarian cooperation, held talks inside the Syrian presidential palace.

While the topic of Israel was not on the official agenda, Moore revealed that the possibility of peace between the two long-time adversaries came up during discussions. “The top priority,” Moore emphasized, “is that Syria focuses on Syria.” However, he noted that President al-Sharaa also acknowledged the “potential for a very positive future.”

Moore currently chairs the Global Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), which oversees aid distribution in Gaza, and also heads the Public Commission at the University of Haifa’s Religion Research Lab. He previously served as a commissioner on the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom.

A Quiet Shift in the Region?

According to the Reuters report, no official response has yet come from President al-Sharaa’s office. However, the tone of the visit suggests a subtle shift in Syria’s regional outlook.

Rabbi Cooper, who has previously visited Gulf states like Bahrain and the UAE before they normalized relations with Israel under the Abraham Accords, described the visit to Damascus as “a walk in the open.” He even noted that he moved freely through the streets of the Syrian capital wearing a Jewish skullcap (kippah)—a striking contrast to his experience in Saudi Arabia last year, where he was asked to remove it by an official, prompting the early end of a U.S. congressional delegation’s visit.

Cooper and Moore, both long-time advocates of Arab-Jewish interfaith dialogue, said they believe President al-Sharaa is capable of advancing peace. Moore described him as a “unicorn” in Middle Eastern politics—a rare figure who could potentially alter the course of regional dynamics.

“There’s a real window of opportunity here,” Cooper said, while cautioning, “but that doesn’t reduce the size of the task ahead.”

The duo reportedly suggested launching grassroots humanitarian initiatives to “break stereotypes and create an informal corps of goodwill ambassadors,” though they declined to elaborate on specifics.

They also met with members of Syria’s Christian community during their visit, further emphasizing the mission’s interfaith character.

Secret Syria-Israel Channel?

The backdrop to this visit is a recent report claiming that the United Arab Emirates helped establish a secret communication channel between Syria and Israel at President al-Sharaa’s request. These backchannel talks reportedly focus on intelligence-sharing and security cooperation, with the broader aim of trust-building.

According to sources cited by Reuters, Damascus sees Abu Dhabi’s Abraham Accords with Israel as a potential framework for resolving long-standing issues—particularly since Syria and Israel currently lack direct diplomatic ties.

Since the fall of the Assad regime, al-Sharaa has repeatedly stated that Syria does not wish to pose a threat to Israel. In fact, his administration has taken the unprecedented step of detaining senior Islamic Jihad figures believed to be linked to the October 7 massacre.

A letter sent last month by Syria’s Foreign Ministry to the U.S. State Department, obtained by Reuters, declared: “We will not allow Syria to become a source of threat to any country—including Israel.”

However, not all observers are convinced. Senior Israeli officials remain wary, accusing al-Sharaa of deceiving the international community. “Behind the suit and diplomatic gestures lies a dangerous vision for an Islamist regime just as threatening as the previous one,” one Israeli intelligence source warned.

Trump’s Quiet Diplomacy?

The report also noted that President Trump held a private meeting with al-Sharaa last month, though details remain undisclosed. This adds weight to the growing speculation that informal diplomacy—possibly brokered by Trump allies—could be laying the groundwork for a future peace accord between Syria and Israel.

For now, the road remains uncertain, but voices like Moore and Cooper suggest that, amid the ruins of conflict and mistrust, a new horizon may be emerging—one where Syria and Israel could chart a path toward reconciliation.

Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

The war in Syria may not be over on paper, but on the ground, the tide has clearly turned. Since the collapse of the Assad regime in December 2024, nearly 250,000 Syrian refugees in Turkey have returned home. This movement is not driven by propaganda or pressure, but by something far more powerful: the hope that Syria, at long last, is stabilizing.

That hope is grounded in real, visible change. The Damascus Stock Exchange has reopened, signaling a cautious but meaningful restart of the formal economy. Finance Minister Mohammed Yisr Barnieh called it a message to the world—that Syria is back in business.

The turning point came on May 13, when U.S. President Donald Trump, during a landmark visit to Riyadh, announced the lifting of sanctions on Syria. Ten days later, the U.S. Treasury issued General License 25, permitting transactions with Syria’s new transitional government, headed by President Ahmad Al-Sharaa. The EU swiftly followed with a coordinated suspension of its own sanctions regime. In less than two weeks, Syria went from pariah to partner in the eyes of global policymakers.

The momentum is not only diplomatic. Gulf states are stepping up. On Saturday, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, speaking from Damascus, announced a joint initiative with Qatar to help fund salaries for Syrian civil servants. These are the sorts of actions that turn ceasefires into recoveries.

And yet, despite these gains, Syria’s path forward still faces one last—and deeply entrenched—obstacle: the PKK-affiliated administration in northeast Syria, branded to the world as the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), and militarily represented by the PYD and SDF.

Let’s be candid. For years, Western governments, NGOs, and think tanks have celebrated the AANES as a “progressive” alternative in Syria. But the reality on the ground tells a much darker story. Despite controlling vast natural resources, receiving billions in foreign aid, and enjoying unprecedented U.S. military protection, the AANES has delivered little more than corruption, repression, and instability.

Entire Arab and Assyrian communities have been displaced under their watch. Basic services remain in disrepair. Youth conscription, political detentions, and even child recruitment are not allegations—they are documented practices. Many in Raqqa, Deir Ezzor, and Hasakah view the AANES not as a government but as an occupying structure—an extension of the PKK’s transnational project, not a legitimate representative of the Syrian people.

This is not just Syria’s internal issue. It’s a regional problem. The longer these entities maintain their grip, the harder it becomes to achieve a unified, sovereign Syrian state capable of rebuilding and reconciling.

To its credit, the transitional government in Damascus has not responded with vengeance. President Al-Sharaa has focused on restoring institutions, rebuilding national infrastructure, and pursuing a post-conflict political identity that moves beyond sectarianism. But these efforts will remain incomplete until all Syrian territories are returned to accountable, sovereign administration.

In this context, the reopening of the U.S. embassy in Damascus sends a powerful signal. Newly appointed American envoy Thomas Barrack—who also serves as the U.S. ambassador to Turkey—raised the American flag over the embassy for the first time since 2012. He praised Syria’s new leadership and openly discussed the prospect of peace between Syria and Israel—once a diplomatic impossibility. Barrack noted that the Caesar Act sanctions must now be repealed by Congress, describing President Trump as impatient with sanctions that obstruct reconstruction.

None of this should be mistaken for instant success. The Syrian state remains fragile. Public sector wages are still well below the cost of living. Corruption, while being addressed, is not yet defeated. And sectarian wounds—especially those left by clashes between pro-Assad remnants and local communities—will take time to heal.

But from my perspective as a European political analyst, this is the first time in years that Syria’s future feels negotiable rather than doomed.

To my Arab readers: Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

To Western policymakers: the failed experiment of non-state actors ruling eastern Syria must end. It did not bring democracy. It brought dysfunction. The time has come to support a Syrian solution, not a Kurdish separatist detour funded by Western guilt and strategic confusion.

The Syrian war broke the country. But the outlines of recovery are finally emerging. The world has a choice: engage constructively—or prolong the suffering under the illusion of alternatives that have long since collapsed.