Xi’s two-day trip to Pyongyang, his first in seven years, underscored efforts by Beijing and Pyongyang to revitalize a traditional alliance that has faced new challenges amid North Korea’s growing ties with Russia and shifting regional geopolitical dynamics.

During a summit on Monday, Xi expressed China’s willingness to expand cooperation in areas including trade, agriculture, construction and technology, according to Chinese and North Korean state media. Kim, in turn, described maintaining ties with China as a top strategic priority for his government.

The visit included a series of highly symbolic events aimed at highlighting historical bonds between the two neighbors. Xi and Kim visited a monument commemorating Chinese soldiers who fought alongside North Korean forces during the 1950-53 Korean War and emphasized the importance of preserving the legacy of bilateral cooperation and resistance against foreign pressure.

The two leaders also toured a Workers’ Party training institution and participated in a tree-planting ceremony intended to symbolize the long-term development of relations between their countries.

The summit came less than a year after Xi and Kim met in Beijing and reflected a broader effort by both governments to maintain strategic coordination amid growing uncertainty in Northeast Asia.

State media reports emphasized commitments to expand economic and political cooperation and highlighted North Korea’s support for China’s position on Taiwan under Beijing’s “one-China” policy.

Notably absent from official accounts of the talks was any public discussion of North Korea’s nuclear weapons program, a longstanding source of regional tension and a central issue in international diplomacy involving Pyongyang.

The omission has drawn attention among regional analysts. Some experts view the absence of references to denuclearization as a diplomatic advantage for North Korea, which has increasingly sought recognition as a nuclear-armed state while pressing for sanctions relief and greater international acceptance.

Ban Kil Joo, an assistant professor at the Korea National Diplomatic Academy in Seoul, said the lack of discussion about denuclearization could be interpreted as China leaving room for broader acceptance of North Korea’s current strategic status rather than actively challenging it.

Analysts also see the visit as part of China’s effort to restore its influence over North Korea after Pyongyang deepened military and political cooperation with Russia in recent years. North Korea has strengthened ties with Moscow through support for Russian military efforts and expanded strategic cooperation, raising questions about Beijing’s traditional role as Pyongyang’s primary external partner.

Kim Gyubeom, an analyst at the Institute for National Security Strategy in Seoul, said China appears to be pursuing a pragmatic approach that maintains communication and influence without applying significant pressure on North Korea, while prioritizing regional stability.

For Beijing, stronger ties with Pyongyang may also provide additional diplomatic leverage in its broader relationship with the United States. Analysts note that renewed Chinese influence over North Korea could become a factor in future dealings between Xi and U.S. President Donald Trump, who has repeatedly indicated interest in restarting diplomacy with Kim.

The visit highlighted a convergence of interests between Beijing and Pyongyang as both governments navigate an increasingly complex regional environment marked by strategic competition, security concerns and shifting alliances across East Asia.

The meeting brought together India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong and Rubio at a time of heightened geopolitical uncertainty across the Indo-Pacific.

The talks came just days after U.S. President Donald Trump concluded a high-profile visit to China, during which he emphasized cooperation between Washington and Beijing. The visit was closely watched by regional partners concerned that closer U.S.-China engagement could diminish the strategic influence of allied nations seeking to balance China’s growing power.

The Quad, comprising the United States, India, Japan and Australia, has evolved into a key platform for cooperation on maritime security, critical technologies, supply chains and regional stability. The grouping is viewed by Beijing as an effort to counter China’s influence in the Indo-Pacific, a characterization its members reject.Rubio has sought to maintain momentum behind the alliance since taking office.

One of his first diplomatic initiatives was convening Quad foreign ministers in Washington shortly after his appointment, followed by another ministerial meeting in July 2025.Despite those efforts, uncertainty has lingered over the group’s future direction after a planned leaders’ summit in India failed to materialize last year.

The cancellation fueled concerns among some regional observers about Washington’s long-term commitment to institutionalizing the partnership.During his first official visit to India as secretary of state, Rubio said he hoped to lay the groundwork for a future summit involving Trump and the other Quad leaders. He emphasized the need for practical outcomes and concrete initiatives that leaders could announce when they eventually meet.

Among the priorities discussed was cooperation on critical minerals, an area that has gained strategic importance as governments seek to reduce dependence on Chinese-controlled supply chains for resources essential to advanced technologies, electric vehicles and defense systems.Rubio also highlighted maritime security as a central area for deeper collaboration.

Concerns about China’s expanding naval presence and territorial claims remain a shared issue for several Quad members, particularly Japan, which faces growing security challenges in nearby waters.The meeting unfolded against the backdrop of tensions in the Middle East following conflict involving Iran and disruptions affecting energy flows through the Strait of Hormuz.

Rising oil prices have created additional economic pressures for major importers such as India and Japan.Differences among U.S. partners over Washington’s policy toward Iran have complicated diplomatic coordination. While Australia expressed understanding of concerns regarding Iran’s nuclear program, neither Canberra, Tokyo nor New Delhi provided direct support for military action against Tehran.

Japan and India have historically maintained pragmatic relations with Iran and have previously balanced those ties against U.S. sanctions policies and broader strategic interests.Ahead of the Quad meeting, Motegi met Jaishankar in New Delhi and warned of a rapidly evolving global security environment shaped by shifting power balances and growing geopolitical competition.

Jaishankar, meanwhile, sought to ease concerns about U.S. engagement with the Quad, noting that Trump had supported the grouping during his first administration and remained invested in Indo-Pacific cooperation.The Quad was originally championed by late Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who envisioned closer coordination among the four democracies in response to changing regional dynamics.

Under former U.S. President Joe Biden, the grouping broadened its agenda beyond security to include public health, infrastructure resilience, emerging technologies and supply-chain security.Tuesday’s meeting represented the latest attempt by member states to demonstrate continuity in the partnership as strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific intensifies and broader global conflicts test the cohesion of U.S.-led alliances.

A commissioning ceremony for the first submarine, named Hangor, was held in Sanya, China, attended by President Asif Ali Zardari and Pakistan Navy chief Admiral Naveed Ashraf, the military said.

The statement did not specify the total number of submarines involved, but a Pakistani government official said the program includes eight submarines, with four to be built in China and delivered directly to Pakistan, while the remaining four will be produced domestically under a transfer-of-technology arrangement.

The official said the local production element would also allow Pakistan to potentially export submarines in the future through its defense manufacturing sector.Pakistan and China are long-standing strategic allies, and military cooperation between the two countries has expanded further since Islamabad’s conflict with India last year, particularly in air and naval defense systems.

The submarine induction follows Pakistan’s deployment of Chinese-made J-10C fighter jets, which Islamabad says were used operationally for the first time during the 2025 conflict with India.

Pakistan has said the aircraft formed part of its air operations in which Indian French-made Dassault Rafale fighter jets were shot down, a claim that has remained a major point of contention between the two nuclear-armed neighbors.

Admiral Ashraf described the submarine program as “an important milestone to bolster our maritime defense and modernize our fleet with cutting-edge technology.”He said the Hangor-class submarines, equipped with advanced sensors, modern weapons systems and air-independent propulsion technology, would strengthen Pakistan’s ability to preserve maritime stability and deter aggression in the region.

Air-independent propulsion allows submarines to remain submerged for longer periods without surfacing, significantly enhancing stealth and operational endurance.

The announcement comes after Pakistan conducted a series of missile tests in recent weeks, signaling continued military readiness amid persistent regional tensions.

Pakistan and India have fought three wars since independence from British rule in 1947, and defense modernization remains central to strategic planning on both sides of the border.

The initiative, which will allow South Korea to join a select group of nations possessing such advanced maritime capabilities, reflects the growing trust and partnership between Seoul and Washington in ensuring regional peace, security, and innovation in defense technology.

During his visit to South Korea, U.S. President Donald Trump and South Korean President Lee Jae Myung held high-level talks that resulted in several strategic agreements aimed at strengthening economic and defense ties.

Among the highlights was the green light for South Korea to begin the process of constructing nuclear-powered submarines in collaboration with U.S. partners.

This agreement underscores a new era of cooperation, expanding beyond traditional defense frameworks to include technological collaboration, industrial innovation, and shared energy advancements.

According to statements following the summit, the submarines are planned to be built at a shipyard in Philadelphia, where South Korean firms have made major investments in recent years.

This partnership aims not only to bolster South Korea’s naval capabilities but also to support American manufacturing and innovation in defense infrastructure.

The collaboration is expected to create new opportunities for both nations through technology transfer, research development, and the joint training of skilled engineers and naval experts.

President Lee emphasized that developing nuclear-powered submarines equipped with conventional weapons would greatly enhance South Korea’s defense capabilities and regional stability.

He expressed gratitude for the support provided by the United States, noting that the project will contribute to deterring potential threats, maintaining peace in Northeast Asia, and advancing technological cooperation between the two countries.

South Korea’s Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back confirmed that the country’s long-term plan includes building its own modular nuclear reactors and receiving enriched uranium fuel from the United States under strict international safeguards.

He highlighted that South Korea’s advanced shipbuilding industry and its expertise in reactor technology position it well to undertake this ambitious endeavor.

Officials also pointed out that the country has been developing small nuclear reactors for several years, meaning it could accelerate the construction process and reduce the typical decade-long timeline for such projects.

“We believe that by using the technologies we have been developing, we can achieve this within a much shorter period,” said one senior defense official, signaling South Korea’s readiness to take on the challenge.

This partnership aligns with global trends toward cleaner and more efficient defense technologies, as nuclear-powered vessels are known for their extended operational range, endurance, and energy efficiency compared to conventional diesel submarines.

The project represents not only a defense milestone but also a technological leap forward for South Korea’s industrial and scientific sectors.

Beyond defense, the summit also opened doors for expanded economic cooperation. The two leaders discussed increasing South Korea’s imports of U.S. oil and gas, creating a balanced trade framework that benefits both economies.

These economic agreements are expected to contribute to job creation, innovation, and a stronger partnership between South Korean and American industries.

Regional observers have noted that the move could also strengthen peace and stability in East Asia by allowing South Korea to play a more proactive role in maintaining maritime security and deterring potential threats.

Both nations reaffirmed their commitment to upholding international non-proliferation standards and ensuring that all nuclear-related activities adhere to peaceful and transparent purposes under the oversight of international organizations.

The announcement marks a major advancement in U.S.-South Korea relations, demonstrating mutual confidence and a shared vision for innovation, stability, and peace.

By combining South Korea’s shipbuilding excellence and nuclear engineering expertise with U.S. technological support, the two nations are laying the groundwork for a new chapter in defense cooperation that promotes both regional security and global stability.

We are ancient nations, young and proud… We are peaceful nations… but we are not going to hesitate from gaining what we need through solidarity

On Saturday, Chitresh Kapoor and India’s Geopolitical Analyst Vaibhav Singh hosted Israel’s Ambassador to India, Reuven Azar, on the podcast Defensive Offense.

Since assuming his role in August 2024, Ambassador Azar has been a key figure in fostering the growing partnership between two of the world’s oldest civilizations—India’s Sanatan Dharma and the Jewish people.

Their dialogue explored the historical and strategic ties between the nations, the evolving threats posed by radical forces like Hamas and Iran, and the potential for deeper collaboration in the decades ahead.

A Shared Civilizational Resilience

The conversation began with a reflection on the deep historical connection between India and Israel, which Ambassador Azar described as a “civilizational connect.” Both nations, he noted, have endured invasions and foreign domination over millennia, yet preserved their cultural identities through resilience and memory.

“Unlike many old civilizations that vanished under the pressure of invasions, we stayed, we prevailed,” Azar remarked, attributing this survival to cultural perseverance rather than continuous sovereignty. For the Jewish people, landless for nearly 2,000 years, this meant developing “techniques of memory,” a theme he promised to elaborate on later but left tantalizingly unexplored in the podcast.

Official diplomatic relations between India and Israel began in 1992, yet their partnership predates this milestone. Azar highlighted how the relationship started “quietly and almost clandestinely,” rooted in mutual security challenges.

“We could help each other,” he said, emphasizing that trust, forged through defense cooperation, became the bedrock of their strategic alliance. This trust has since expanded into agriculture, water management, and high-tech sectors, with India boldly adopting Israeli technologies under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership.

One standout example is the agricultural partnership. Indian companies, such as Jain Irrigation’s acquisition of Israeli firm NaanDanJain, have collaborated with Israel to establish 32 Centers of Excellence across India. These centers provide subsidized seedlings, enhancing crop yields and food security—a testament to how Israeli innovation complements India’s scale.

Azar also pointed to emerging areas like water management, critical given India’s resource challenges, and the potential for joint research and development (R&D) in infrastructure and technology.

Geopolitical Shifts: Trump, Trade, and Trilateral Ties

The discussion took a timely turn toward global economic shifts, particularly with the recent U.S. administration change under President Donald Trump. Azar noted that both India and Israel have navigated relations with the Trump administration effectively, despite new trade tariffs announced just days before the podcast.

With India facing a 17% tariff and Israel 26%—compared to 54% for China and around 50% for Cambodia and Vietnam—both nations stand to gain as production shifts away from heavily taxed countries. “Textiles, the most flexible industry, could move to India within days,” Azar predicted, foreseeing a boost to India’s economy even before a potential U.S.-India trade deal.

This economic realignment underscores a trilateral dynamic among India, Israel, and the U.S. “Our relationship is not only bilateral but bears strategic significance trilaterally,” Azar said, urging a pragmatic rather than confrontational approach to such shifts.

For India, rising as a global economic power, and Israel, a technological innovator, this partnership could reshape supply chains and regional influence.

The Middle East: Hamas, Iran, and a New Alignment

The podcast pivoted to the Middle East, where Israel faces persistent threats from radical groups like Hamas and state actors like Iran.

Singh referenced former Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir’s poignant statement: “We can forgive them for killing our children, but we cannot forgive them for forcing us to kill theirs.” He asked whether, decades later, anti-Semitism and hatred toward Israel have diminished.

Azar’s response was sobering: the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack, with its brutal atrocities, marked the worst violence against Jews since the Holocaust. Yet, he argued, the nature of the conflict has evolved.

Historically, Israel battled pan-Arab nationalism, a secular movement that sought to eliminate the Jewish state as a colonial outpost—a narrative Azar dismissed, asserting, “Jews belong to Judea.” After five wars, this ideology waned, with Egypt’s peace treaty under Anwar Sadat marking a turning point. However, Sadat’s 1981 assassination by Islamists (Khalid Islamboli) signaled the rise of a new threat: pan-Islamic radicalism. Azar traced this shift through the Arab Spring of 2010, which, despite initial hopes for democracy, empowered radical forces like Iran and its proxies.

Today, he explained, the Middle East hosts two deeper conflicts: the Shiite-Sunni divide and the struggle between radicals and pragmatists.

Israel, he argued, is a “token” exploited by radicals to destabilize the region, with Iran’s ultimate aim not Jerusalem but Mecca and Medina. Within this context, Hamas’s attack and Israel’s retaliation did not unravel ties with Arab states, unlike past conflicts. “No Arab country has disconnected diplomatic relations,” Azar noted, citing the Abraham Accords and joint defense efforts against Iran’s April 2024 ballistic missile barrage as evidence of a new alignment.

Singh pressed further, asking why Saudi Arabia is often implicated in Israel-related conflicts. Azar pointed to the Shiite-Sunni rift, with Iran leveraging propaganda to undermine Saudi pragmatism.

He recalled the 2015 JCPOA nuclear deal, which both Israel and Saudi Arabia opposed, as a moment of crystallized common interest. While hesitant to predict Saudi recognition of Israel, he suggested it hinges on mutual benefit and timing. He said it while quoting King Solomon—“Everything has a time under the sun”—there is time for war and time for peace.

Aspirations for Indo-Israel Ties: Beyond Defense

Returning to bilateral ties, Kapoor asked about the future as the 30-year-old relationship approaches its 50th anniversary in 2042. Beyond defense—where Israel supplies equipment like drones and missile systems—Azar envisioned a partnership transcending trade.

“Our relationship is much more than transactions,” he said, rooted in shared heritage, trust, and India’s steadfast support during Israel’s recent war. This solidarity has spurred Israeli interest, with monthly ministerial visits and university collaborations on R&D.

Tourism emerged as another frontier. Kapoor noted that Israelis frequent Goa, Hampi, Manali, and Ladakh while Indian tourists to Israel, mainly from Kerala, visit for religious reasons. 

Azar highlighted Israel’s high GDP per capita ($55,000) and travel habits—20 million tourism packages annually for a 10-million-strong population—suggesting untapped potential as India’s per capita income rises. By 2050, with India projected at $10,000 per capita, he foresaw “hundreds of millions” of Indian travelers exploring the world, including Israel.

Kapoor proposed defense exchange programs for veterans, given both nations’ conflict histories. Azar welcomed the idea, noting Israel’s view of India as a safe haven and the potential for educational and cultural exchanges to deepen people-to-people ties.

Radicalism and Propaganda: A Global Challenge

The conversation darkened as Singh raised Iran’s role in terrorism, from historical invasions of India to modern proxy wars.

Azar praised Israel’s contributions—drip irrigation, desalination, and tech innovation—contrasting them with Iran’s export of ballistic missiles and drones to groups like the Houthis and Hezbollah. He warned of Iran’s infiltration of Western institutions, using media and academia to portray itself as a victim while perpetrating terrorism.

Singh echoed this, citing the Muslim Brotherhood’s growing influence in India via scholars trained abroad. Azar cautioned vigilance, citing the UAE’s successful deradicalization of its education system as a model. He acknowledged Israel’s own Muslim Brotherhood party, noting its varied nature, but stressed the broader threat of radicals exploiting democratic freedoms.

Netanyahu’s Popularity and Leadership

Singh concluded by noting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s unrivaled popularity in India, evident in record-breaking TV ratings during his visits. Azar attributed this to shared national pride and leadership.

“We are ancient nations, young and proud… We are peaceful nations… but we are not going to hesitate from gaining what we need through solidarity”, he said, likening Netanyahu and Modi as proactive leaders who defy apology.

The Abraham Accords, he argued, stemmed from Netanyahu’s strategy of strength—economic, military, and diplomatic—shifting regional dynamics.

Addressing the Gaza conflict, Singh questioned the high civilian toll reported after October 7. Azar defended Israel’s actions, arguing Hamas’s tactics—operating from hospitals and disguising terrorists as civilians—forced a tragic response. He challenged inflated casualty figures, suggesting half were terrorists, and compared Israel’s urban warfare record favorably to historical precedents, despite biased narratives from outlets like Al Jazeera and the UN.

A Partnership for the Future

The podcast underscored a relationship built on trust, resilience, and mutual interest, poised to grow as both nations rise. From countering radicalism to fostering innovation and tourism, India and Israel share a vision that transcends geopolitics—a civilizational bond ready to shape the 21st century.