Speaking alongside Syrian transitional President Ahmed Al-Sharaa in Berlin, Merz said both governments were seeking to create conditions that would allow more Syrians to return voluntarily to their homeland.

Germany hosts the largest Syrian diaspora in the European Union, with more than one million Syrians, many of whom arrived during the 2015–2016 migrant influx.“We are working jointly toward more Syrians being able to return to their homeland,” Merz said at a joint press conference.

Sharaa said Damascus and Berlin were exploring a “circular” migration framework that would allow Syrians to participate in rebuilding their country while retaining the option to remain in Germany.

Such a model would enable returnees to contribute to reconstruction efforts without permanently relinquishing the economic and social stability they have established abroad, he said.

Merz said Germany intended to support Syria’s reconstruction after years of civil war, adding that a German delegation would travel to Syria in the coming days to advance cooperation.

However, he stressed that deeper bilateral engagement would depend on progress toward establishing rule-of-law institutions.

“Many joint projects in the future will depend on our finding a state governed by the rule of law,” Merz said, adding that he was confident such conditions could be achieved following discussions with Sharaa.

Officials have also pointed to comparative international examples to argue that such engagement does not necessarily compromise electoral fairness.

On 12 February 2026, Bangladeshis are scheduled to make two significant choices on the same day: electing the country’s 13th National Parliament and voting in a referendum on proposed constitutional reforms. As polling day approaches, however, a legal challenge before the High Court has raised questions about whether the conditions necessary for a credible and trusted vote are still intact.

The writ petition does not allege wrongdoing by any political party. Instead, it focuses on the conduct of state institutions during an election period — a distinction that has drawn both legal and public attention. At its core is a concern familiar to many democracies: what happens to electoral legitimacy when the boundary between neutral administration and political advocacy becomes blurred?

According to the petition, senior figures associated with the interim administration, along with other state-linked actors, have publicly expressed support for a “Yes” vote in the referendum. The petitioner argues that such actions may be inconsistent with provisions of the Election Code of Conduct and the Representation of the People Order, which are intended to ensure that those exercising executive authority do not influence voter choice during an election period.

A detailed constitutional analysis of the filing outlines these claims and the legal provisions involved (summary here).

One aspect of the case has proven particularly contentious: the alleged use of official government platforms, including a state-run website, to promote a specific referendum outcome. Critics argue that when state infrastructure is used in this way, it risks creating what constitutional lawyers describe as “structural bias” — a situation where the state itself is perceived as an interested party rather than an impartial referee.

These allegations, and the legal remedies sought in response, are outlined in reporting on the petition’s filing (details here).

The petition also places significant emphasis on the role of the Election Commission. It claims that the Commission was formally notified of alleged violations, supported by documentary evidence, but failed to take corrective or preventive measures. Under Bangladesh’s constitution, the Commission is an independent authority charged with safeguarding electoral integrity. Whether inaction in such circumstances constitutes a breach of constitutional duty is now a central question before the court.

Beyond individual actions, the case challenges the decision to hold a parliamentary election and a constitutional referendum on the same day. While not without precedent internationally, the petitioner argues that elections and referendums serve distinct democratic purposes and are governed by different legal standards. Conducting both simultaneously, it is claimed, may heighten voter confusion and complicate the requirement of a level playing field.

An overview of these arguments, as presented to the court, has been publicly reported (background here).

The interim government has rejected the suggestion that its conduct undermines democratic norms. In public statements, it has argued that expressing support for constitutional reform falls within its mandate and is consistent with democratic practice in a transitional context. Officials have also pointed to comparative international examples to argue that such engagement does not necessarily compromise electoral fairness.

The government’s position has been summarised in independent constitutional commentary (see overview here).

Procedurally, some related petitions have been returned or deferred by the courts without substantive hearings, citing workload and jurisdictional considerations. These decisions have not resolved the underlying issues, which continue to be debated both inside and outside legal circles.

What makes this moment particularly sensitive is not only the legal complexity, but the question of trust. Elections draw legitimacy not simply from compliance with procedural rules, but from public confidence that those rules apply equally to all participants — including the state itself. When that confidence weakens, even technically valid electoral processes can struggle to command broad acceptance.

Bangladesh has experienced contested elections before, and its institutions have navigated periods of intense political strain. The present challenge, however, raises broader questions about how neutrality is defined and enforced during political transitions. The court’s eventual ruling may therefore carry implications beyond the immediate electoral calendar, shaping expectations of institutional conduct in future contests.

Ultimately, the court’s decision will not just determine the fate of one election or referendum. It will help clarify how Bangladesh defines neutrality in moments of political transition, and how resilient its constitutional guardrails remain under pressure. In democracies everywhere, trust in the process is often harder to rebuild than laws themselves — and once eroded, it can linger long after the ballots are counted.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Co-Author SM Faiyaz Hossain

Under the current interim regime, extrajudicial violence has not merely been tolerated; it has been routinized.

Once lionized as the “banker to the poor,” Mohammad Yunus the microcredit mythologist now presides—directly or symbolically—over a Bangladesh in slow-motion disintegration. Over the past fourteen months, the mounting crises—economic, legal, social and political—no longer speak of mere instability; they shout systemic collapse and kleptocracy. Yunus’s promise of reform now rings hollow amid daily horrors.

The promise reflects his longstanding fictitious tales of donor friendly rhetoric and fundraising manuals pertaining to three zeros; and sending poverty to museums. 

Economic Stagnation and Social Collapse

Bangladesh’s long-praised growth trajectory has lost traction. In FY 2024–25, growth fell to 4.1 %, the weakest since the COVID era, per World Bank assessment. If the investment drought deepens, projections suggest a drop toward 3.3 % in 2025.

Over 100 garment factories have shuttered over the past year, costing tens of thousands of jobs (Daily Industry BD). Official unemployment hovers at 4.6 %, but a deeper reckoning of underemployment, youth joblessness, and hidden labor markets suggests far higher human cost (Daily Observer). Nearly 85 % of workers remain informal—no contracts, no social protection (Dhaka Tribune).

In industrial belts like Gazipur, police acknowledge many arrested for petty theft or street mugging are recently laid-off factory workers (New Age). When the state fails to provide, survival becomes the only logic, and crime swells to fill the void.

Theories of Yunus delivered to convince his Western philanthropists have failed to make financial relevance with Global investors. Yunus doesn’t just lack political acumen, he was too naïve to begin his step in the game. 

Lawlessness, State Terror, and Mob Carnage

Justice no longer exists as a concept, only as a performative façade masking systemic brutality and institutional collapse. Under the current interim regime, extrajudicial violence has not merely been tolerated; it has been routinized. In the first quarter of 2025 alone, at least 8 extrajudicial killings and 19 deaths in custody were documented.

Between August 2024 and March 2025, human rights monitors recorded 20 such killings, involving torture, beatings, and summary executions. Mob lynchings have surged with terrifying ferocity: between mid-2024 and mid-2025, at least 637 people were lynched—representing a twelvefold increase from the 51 deaths recorded in 2023.

This wave of vigilante violence has been met with state indifference—if not tacit encouragement. Simultaneously, religious minorities have been subjected to a coordinated campaign of persecution: between August 2024 and June 2025, 2,442 hate crimes—including arson, sexual assaults, desecration of temples and churches, and targeted killings—were recorded, underscoring a culture of impunity that has metastasized into open terror.

These are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a regime where law is weaponized, justice is ornamental, and human life is expendable.

Since Muhammad Yunus assumed office, there has been a disturbing rise in alleged political persecution through the legal system: arrests, false lawsuits, and invented murder charges serving as tools of harassment rather than justice. Beyond the courts, thousands have been detained under Operation Devil Hunt, with over 11,300 arrests reported by late February 2025, many allegedly including people with only tenuous or no links to criminal acts. 

Yunus never had, never tried for public mandate. Employed by the protesters of July uprising is far from being a democratic mandate. Yunus never had the courage to face a public referendum to justify his throne. He preferred to enjoy the authority, ban political parties without referendum and promote divisive rhetoric among the masses. 

Women, Children, and the Machinery of Cruelty

The sexual violence statistics are a national disgrace. In the first half of 2025, 481 rape cases were reported—nearing the total for all of 2024 (The Daily Star). Child rape cases, in just one seven-month span, rose by 75 % (The Daily Star).

Protests led by women or students are met with torture, rape threats, solitary confinement (Human Rights Watch). Ibtedayi teachers demanding job recognition were beaten, tear-gassed, and dispersed in January 2025 (JMBF).

Prisons continue to serve as killing grounds. Deaths in custody are frequent; euphemisms like “heart attacks” or “natural causes” mask systematic violence.

Corpses in Rivers: the Floating Dead

A macabre trend haunts Bangladesh’s waterways. River police data show that in 2025, an average of 43 bodies each month have been pulled from rivers, up from 36 per month in 2024. From January to July 2025 alone, 301 bodies were recovered; 92 remain unidentified. Narayanganj recorded 34 recoveries, Dhaka 32 (Daily Star).

In one case, a woman and a child were found floating in the Buriganga River, both strangled before being dumped, according to autopsy (Financial Post BD). In late August, a headless body was recovered from the Shitalakkhya River in Narayanganj; the victim was later identified as a 27-year-old man (Financial Post BD).

In Keraniganj, the bodies of a man and woman were discovered tied with a 50-kg rice sack, and another victim in a burqa drifted nearby (Financial Post BD).

In Netrokona District (March 2025), the bodies of three fish poachers were found in the Dhanu River after clashes involving community groups (bdnews24). In Chandpur, two older men were retrieved from the Dakatia River—one with visible stab wounds and a severed leg vein (Dhaka Tribune)¹⁷.

In Khulna, over 50 bodies were pulled from various rivers between August 2024 and September 2025; 20 remain unidentified (Khulna naval police). In Chandpur’s Meghna River, seven bodies from an Al Bakhira cargo vessel murder were handed over to families—and a probe committee was formed (BD Pratidin).

Notably, the body of journalist Bibhuranjan Sarkar—after threats and intimidation—was recovered from the Meghna River in Munshiganj in August 2025 (IFJ / BMSF).

These are not accidents or drownings; they are executions turned invisible, pollution turned weapon, rivers made into graveyards without funeral. 

Passport, Visas, and Global Shame

Bangladesh’s passport value has eroded, visa rejections are multiplying, and global watchdogs—HRW, Odhikar, UN human rights bodies—have flagged Dhaka for systemic violations.

The moral capital of the country is bankrupt. Investors and donors hesitate to engage with a government intertwined with terror, silence, and complicity.

Disasters as Symptoms, Not Anomalies

The October 13, 2025 garment-chemical factory fire in Dhaka, which killed 16 workers, was not a random accident — it was a preventable massacre. Locked rooftop escape doors and unchecked toxic gas turned the building into a sealed crematorium.

Days later, the Yunus government has failed to launch any credible investigation, identify the factory owners, or bring those responsible to justice.

No arrests have been made, no compensation schemes publicly disclosed, and no structural safety audits initiated. Instead, the administration has issued vague statements and deflected responsibility, shielding business interests at the expense of workers’ lives. This silence is not mere negligence — it is complicity. 

This is not a standalone incident, rather a pattern. The handling of the Gazi Tire Factory fire tragedy reflects a troubling pattern of negligence and institutional disregard for accountability.

Despite the devastating loss of life and clear safety failures, Yunus—under whose interim government the incident unfolded—failed to ensure a thorough, transparent investigation or meaningful compensation for victims’ families.

This inaction not only denied justice to the workers but also signaled an alarming indifference to labor rights and workplace safety. In the past 13 months, similar negligence has been observed in incidents such as the Hazaribagh factory fire (2024) and the Chittagong shipbreaking yard accidents (2024-2025), where victims were met with inadequate investigations and stalled compensation efforts.

By neglecting to pursue corporate responsibility and systemic reform, Yunus reinforced the vulnerability of industrial workers in Bangladesh, deepening mistrust between the state and its most exploited laborers. His failure to act decisively in the aftermath stands as a stark contradiction to his international image as a champion of social justice.

Over the past 13 months of the Yunus regime, Bangladesh’s labour sector has been trapped in a cycle of grand promises, fragile protections, and cynical neglect. The government’s repeated declarations of “historic reforms” amounted to little more than political theatre, as factory floors across the country continued to mirror a grim reality of wage theft, unsafe workplaces, and repressed voices.

While MoLE boasted of upcoming amendments to labour laws, millions of workers — especially in the sprawling informal sector — remained invisible to the legal system. Inspection bodies were underfunded and toothless, allowing factory owners to operate with impunity as thousands were laid off illegally, denied benefits, and silenced when they protested.

Unionization was stifled, particularly in Export Processing Zones, where rights existed only on paper, and “social audits” became nothing more than PR rituals for global brands. Worker unrest exploded repeatedly, from delayed Eid allowances to unpaid salaries and unsafe conditions, yet the government responded with empty press briefings and tokenistic committees.

The much-touted October 2025 labour law reform deadline became a symbol of inertia, tangled in corporate resistance and bureaucratic gamesmanship. The past year has laid bare a bitter truth: under Yunus’s leadership, labour rights were not defended — they were traded off, delayed, and dismissed, leaving workers to fight alone against a system designed to exploit them.

From Savior Icon to Enabler of Decay

Mohammad Yunus once embodied a hopeful alternative—microcredit, grassroots empowerment, moral leadership. Yet under his interim leadership, Bangladesh is unravelling in every direction: economic collapse, mob justice, sexual violence, extrajudicial killings, rivers flooded with corpses, and institutional impotence. From Teachers to slums, the elites to poets all have suffered under the Yunus’ reign of Terror. 

Yunus may not have physically ordered every atrocity, but he now presides over a regime that normalized them. His Nobel halo cannot conceal the inferno beneath. Rebuilding a nation demands more than symbolic leadership—it demands justice, accountability, and courage. Today, Bangladesh has none. Yunus had the opportunity to unite the nation and develop a social contract among the political parties. Instead what Yunus has contributed had cemented a pipeline for cycle of violence to multiply in the future. 

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Statistics cannot capture the sound of a cell door closing on a lawyer who once argued for others’ freedom.

It began, as so many stories of injustice do, with a courtroom and a promise of fairness that never came.

On 2 September 2025, twelve lawyers in Barguna district walked into the District Sessions Judge’s Court—heads high, robes pressed, faith intact. They had come not as fugitives, but as officers of the court, surrendering in good faith to defend themselves against false and fabricated charges of vandalism and arson at a local BNP office.

The judge denied their bail. They were taken away in handcuffs.

Eight days later, on 10 September, the High Court granted six weeks’ bail to ten of them. For their families waiting outside prison gates, it was a moment of relief—wives preparing meals, children waiting at the door. But as the release orders reached the jail, the cruel machinery of the Muhammad Yunus–led interim government moved again.

Moments before their release, the lawyers were re-arrested under a new case fabricated under the Special Powers Act by the Betagi Police Station and sent straight back to prison.

Among them were Mahabubul Bari Aslam, former President of the Barguna District Bar Association, and Advocates Mojibur Rahman, Saimum Islam Rabbi, Humayun Kabir Poltu, and Nurul Islam, respected figures in their communities. Their “freedom” lasted mere minutes—a cruel illusion that turned hope into heartbreak.

This episode exposes the grotesque logic of repression now governing Bangladesh: even when the highest court speaks, its voice is silenced by handcuffs. Bail means nothing; legality itself has become a crime.

In a democracy, imprisonment should be a last resort, used only when guilt is proven beyond doubt. But in today’s Bangladesh, under a regime led by a Nobel Peace laureate, imprisonment has become a first response—a weapon of control, not justice.

According to documentation by Justicemakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF) between August 2024 and September 2025, there were 75 incidents of imprisonment involving 203 lawyers. These are not isolated misfortunes. They are deliberate acts of political engineering, designed to dismantle independence within the legal profession, particularly among lawyers affiliated with the Bangladesh Awami League (BAL) or those who dared to defend victims of state abuse.

Each story reveals a pattern: fabricated charges, coerced surrenders, manipulated hearings, and endless pre-trial detentions. The justice system, once a shield of rights, now functions as an arm of persecution.

The Anatomy of Fabrication

Behind every fabricated case lies a story of fear.

According to JMBF’s findings, the largest share of imprisonments arose from false charges of attempted murder (15 incidents, 103 victims) and murder (25 incidents, 43 victims).

These were not random choices—they were deliberate. Murder charges carry the heaviest stigma, branding lawyers as violent criminals and ensuring long detentions before trial. The government didn’t just want to silence these lawyers—it wanted to erase their credibility, to paint defenders of justice as enemies of peace.

Other common allegations—sabotage (8 incidents) and vandalism (9 incidents)—served as flexible tools to justify mass arrests. And then there are the colonial-era relics—seditious conspiracy and extortion—revived like old weapons from a dictator’s arsenal.

These laws once served imperial masters; today, they serve an interim regime that governs through fear, turning patriotism into sedition and dissent into treason.

Arrest as a Weapon of Fear

Among the 75 imprisonment incidents, 57 involved arrests leading to imprisonment, affecting 73 victims. These were not ordinary law-enforcement actions—they were public performances of power.

Lawyers have been detained from homes, offices, and even from courtrooms. The message is unmistakable: no one is untouchable.

JMBF’s data show this pattern across the country—murder, attempted murder, sabotage, vandalism, and “seditious conspiracy” cases repeated with numbing precision. Arrests have become a psychological weapon, designed to terrify not just individuals but the entire legal fraternity.

Each detention silences one voice—and intimidates a hundred more. Bar associations hesitate to meet; young lawyers choose self-censorship over survival. The courtroom, once a place of courage, now feels like a cage.

The Trap of “Voluntary” Surrender

Perhaps the most insidious tactic employed by the interim government is the manipulation of voluntary surrender.

JMBF documented 18 such incidents, involving 130 lawyers—many accused of “attempted murder” or “vandalism.” These were lawyers who followed the law, who appeared before judges when summoned. Yet, instead of receiving fair hearings, they were immediately remanded or imprisoned.

The ordeal of Advocate Abu Sayeed Sagar, former president of the Dhaka Bar Association and ex-Legal Affairs Secretary of the Awami League, epitomizes this tactic.

During the politically tense 2023 Supreme Court Bar Association election, a brief scuffle became the pretext for criminal charges. Sagar obtained six weeks of anticipatory bail from the High Court. Then, on 5 October 2025, he voluntarily surrendered before the Dhaka Metropolitan Sessions Judge’s Court to renew his bail—a lawful and responsible act.
Instead of being heard, he was denied bail and sent to jail by Judge Sabbir Fayez.

This case shows how the Yunus-led regime has weaponized compliance itself. What should have been a routine legal procedure became a punishment for obedience.
Under Yunus, surrender no longer signifies respect for law—it is a trapdoor to imprisonment.

A Regime Built on the Ruins of Rights

The persecution of lawyers is not an accident—it is a blueprint of authoritarian control.

Since mid-2024, under the pretext of “transition,” the Yunus-led interim government has suspended civil liberties, silenced journalists, and targeted professionals suspected of political disloyalty.

The irony is unbearable: a man once celebrated for empowering the poor now presides over the imprisonment of those defending the powerless.

The Collapse of Judicial Independence

Every dictatorship begins by capturing the courts. The Yunus government has done one worse—it has hollowed them out from within.

Judges are pressured, prosecutors politicized, and bail hearings endlessly delayed. Lawyers are denied access to case files, while police fabricate evidence with impunity.

This is not merely domestic injustice—it violates Bangladesh’s obligations under Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which prohibits arbitrary detention.

When judges become instruments of fear instead of arbiters of law, the entire edifice of justice collapses.

Imprisonment as Preventive Repression

In this new Bangladesh, imprisonment no longer follows crime—it anticipates it.

Lawyers are detained not for what they did, but for what they might do. This is preventive repression—criminalizing potential dissent.

By incarcerating lawyers, the regime has effectively imprisoned the idea of justice itself. When defenders become defendants, a nation’s moral compass is lost.

The Human Cost

Statistics cannot capture the sound of a cell door closing on a lawyer who once argued for others’ freedom.

Many imprisoned lawyers languish in overcrowded cells, denied medical care, cut off from their families. Some have been beaten. Others have fled abroad, leaving behind shattered practices and broken lives.

In every courthouse corridor, fear now walks silently. The rule of law has been replaced by the rule of intimidation.

The International Dimension of Betrayal

When Muhammad Yunus took charge, many abroad saw him as a reformer—a moral voice who would guide Bangladesh toward democracy.

But moral authority demands moral action. The mass imprisonment of lawyers is a betrayal not just of Bangladesh’s Constitution, but of international law and the ideals Yunus once symbolized.

Bangladesh is bound by the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers (1990), which guarantee that lawyers must perform their duties “without intimidation, hindrance, harassment, or improper interference.”

Under Yunus, every one of those principles has been broken.

The Erosion of Democracy in the Name of Transition

The government calls itself “interim.” But its methods are permanent tools of authoritarianism.

It claims to save democracy by suspending it; to ensure order by silencing dissent. History knows this lie well—from Chile to Egypt, every junta has claimed necessity as its moral cover.

Bangladesh today stands on that same precipice.

A Call for International Solidarity and Accountability

The time for polite diplomacy is over. The international community must see beyond the Nobel halo and confront the stark reality unfolding in Bangladesh, where lawyers are imprisoned for defending justice. Independent investigations by the UN and other human-rights bodies are urgently needed to document the systematic persecution of legal professionals. International legal associations should actively monitor trials and proceedings, recording every violation of due process, while governments must consider targeted sanctions, including visa restrictions and asset freezes, against officials responsible for repression.

Equally critical is the protection of at-risk lawyers, with states providing emergency visas and asylum to those facing imminent arrest. Silence or neutrality from global institutions, including Nobel committees and academic bodies, is no longer acceptable; it amounts to tacit complicity in the erosion of democracy and the rule of law. The world must act decisively to uphold both human rights and the integrity of the legal profession in Bangladesh.

When the Defenders Become the Accused

The mass imprisonment of lawyers in Bangladesh marks a moral collapse of governance.

By turning the courts into instruments of punishment, the Yunus-led interim government has criminalized justice itself.

Imprisonment has ceased to be a verdict; it has become policy.

Muhammad Yunus once preached empowerment. Today, his government practices suppression.

The world must judge him not by medals, but by the misery of those imprisoned for defending freedom. Because when the defenders of justice are silenced, it is not only lawyers who are imprisoned—it is the conscience of Bangladesh itself.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Perhaps the most dangerous tactic employed by the Yunus government is the use of fabricated charges against lawyers in an attempt to discredit and neutralize them.

In an unprecedented and deeply alarming move, the interim government of Bangladesh, led by former Nobel Peace Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, has launched a systemic campaign aimed directly at the country’s legal community.

According to documentation from JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF), since assuming power in August 2024, the Yunus administration has orchestrated an alarming series of politically motivated arrests, fabricated charges, killings, forcible possession of the Bangladesh Bar Council and other district bar associations, and physical attacks targeting lawyers.

Over 391 legal professionals are now facing false accusations such as murder and explosive explosions. More than 131 have already been arrested, some detained without charges solely for their professional activities and political beliefs, while many more have been subjected to abuse, threats, and harassment. What we are witnessing is not a series of isolated incidents, but a deliberate, orchestrated attack on the rule of law and the very independence of Bangladesh’s judiciary.

This unprecedented crackdown on lawyers, many of whom are simply fulfilling their professional duties, reflects the government’s growing authoritarian tendencies and its determination to quash any form of political opposition. In doing so, it poses an existential threat to the fundamental principles of justice, constitutional rights, and democratic governance in Bangladesh.

Arrests and Arbitrary Detentions: The Systematic Repression of Lawyers

The Yunus government has weaponized the arrest and detention of lawyers as a tool of political repression. The arbitrary arrests, often conducted under the cover of night, are carried out without regard for due process and with complete disregard for human rights and the legal protections that should be afforded to all citizens. These actions are meant to send a clear message to the legal community: dissent will not be tolerated.

On April 7, 2025, Barrister Turin Afroz, a former ICT prosecutor, was arrested from her home, only months after surviving a brutal physical assault by unknown assailants. The attack on her was never investigated, and now she is facing arrest in what appears to be retaliation for her legal work. Other prominent figures, such as Advocate Khan Md. Alauddin and Advocate Rezaul Karim Khokon, have similarly been targeted in politically motivated arrests aimed at silencing those who dare to speak out or represent clients from opposition groups.

The arbitrary nature of these arrests was further highlighted on April 6, 2025, when 84 pro-Awami League lawyers were thrown into jail after a Dhaka Metropolitan Sessions Judge overruled anticipatory bail granted by the High Court. This flagrant violation of established legal procedures not only undermines the judiciary’s independence but also exposes the government’s determination to bend the legal system to its will, regardless of constitutional guarantees.

Many of these lawyers are held without charges, often denied access to legal counsel and forced to endure harsh conditions in jail. They are also treated inhumanely, with their hands cuffed behind their backs. This behavior is in direct violation of Bangladesh’s constitutional protections and international human rights standards. The clear intent behind these arrests is not to administer justice but to intimidate and silence a professional community that has historically been one of the strongest defenders of democratic rights.

Fabrication of Charges: A Political Witch Hunt

Perhaps the most dangerous tactic employed by the Yunus government is the use of fabricated charges against lawyers in an attempt to discredit and neutralize them. By leveling baseless accusations such as murder, explosives, or assault, the government not only attacks individual lawyers but attempts to delegitimize the entire legal profession as a whole.

On February 12, 2025, 32 lawyers were falsely accused of attacking student protesters in Comilla—a charge entirely fabricated to undermine opposition voices. Similarly, in February 2025, 144 pro-Awami League lawyers were falsely implicated in an assault and attempted murder case linked to protests from the July movement. These false charges are not isolated incidents but part of a pattern of politically motivated persecution designed to punish those who dare to challenge the status quo.

In November 2024, 70 lawyers from Chattogram were falsely charged under the Explosives Act, a draconian law that permits severe penalties. Eleven other lawyers were implicated in the death of a street vendor, despite a complete lack of evidence to link them to the crime. These fabricated charges not only violate the fundamental rights of lawyers but also serve as a calculated strategy to suppress opposition and silence political dissent.

The Yunus government has clearly weaponized the justice system for political purposes. It sends a chilling message to the legal community: challenge the government, defend political dissidents, or even represent those the government dislikes—and you will face fabricated charges that could ruin your career, imprison you, and destroy your reputation.

Physical Attacks and Intimidation: Cultivating Fear Among Lawyers

The Yunus government’s attack on the legal profession is not limited to arrests and fabricated charges. There has been a disturbing rise in physical violence aimed at intimidating lawyers into silence. Such acts of brutality serve to create a climate of fear and compel legal professionals to think twice before representing clients that may be seen as politically sensitive or opposition-affiliated.

In March 2025, three prominent lawyers from Jamalpur were brutally attacked while performing their professional duties. Similar violent incidents have occurred at various courts, with lawyers like Morshed Hossain Shaheen and Sheikh Farid subjected to mob violence in Dhaka. In August 2024, Barrister Ashraful Islam was stabbed in the Supreme Court Bar Association building—a brazen act of violence meant to send a clear message to all lawyers: if you challenge the government’s actions or defend political dissenters, you risk your safety.

These incidents of physical violence are not random acts; they are part of a deliberate strategy to suppress opposition and instill fear. Lawyers are increasingly reluctant to take on cases that challenge the government’s position or represent opposition figures. The result is a paralyzed legal community unable to perform its crucial role in upholding the rule of law.

Killings: The Ultimate Form of State Terror

The attack on Bangladesh’s legal community has escalated to the point where the lives of lawyers are at risk. In April 2025, Advocate Sujon Mia, a former student leader and a member of the Moulvibazar District Bar Association, was brutally stabbed to death by a group of youth miscreants. It is alleged that he was killed because he represented politically motivated accused individuals affiliated with the Bangladesh Awami League and its associated wings in court.

Earlier, on August 5, 2024, young lawyer Nayan Sheikh, affiliated with the Bangladesh Awami League, was fatally hacked to death at his home in Bagerhat, following the fall of the previous Awami League regime.

On November 26, 2024, lawyer Saiful Islam, an Assistant Public Prosecutor, was killed during a clash in Chattogram involving supporters of Hindu leader Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari, police, and BGB forces. These killings represent the ultimate form of repression, aiming not only to eliminate outspoken legal professionals but also to instill a pervasive fear that further discourages any form of resistance.

Electoral Obstruction and Democratic Sabotage

The Yunus government has also taken steps to obstruct the democratic process, particularly within the legal community. These efforts have included direct interference in bar elections to ensure that only those loyal to the regime are allowed to hold key positions. As soon as the Yunus government took power, the Bangladesh Bar Council office was forcibly taken over by unelected pro-BNP-Jamaat lawyers, along with the Dhaka Bar Association and Khulna Bar Association offices.

On April 10, 2025, in Chattogram, pro-Awami lawyers were barred from collecting nomination papers for the Bar election, a blatant attempt to prevent any opposition from gaining power within the legal profession. This incident is part of a broader pattern of electoral obstruction across the country, as seen between January and March 2025, when lawyers affiliated with the ruling coalition were forcibly prevented from contesting bar elections in Rajbari, Naogaon, and Sirajganj. In Dinajpur, 13 candidates were disqualified on purely political grounds.

Such actions are a direct assault on democratic processes, as the ruling regime seeks to eliminate any independent voices within the legal community. By controlling the electoral process within the Bar, the Yunus government is ensuring that no opposition remains within the structures that could hold it accountable.

A Descent into Authoritarianism

The systematic targeting of Bangladesh’s legal community is not just an attack on individual lawyers—it is an attack on the very pillars of justice, democracy, and the rule of law. Under the Yunus administration, the government has steadily shifted towards authoritarianism, systematically dismantling the democratic structures that have historically held the state accountable.

The legal profession, with its long-standing ties to the opposition and its role in defending human rights and political freedoms, has become a primary target. The Yunus government understands that by silencing lawyers, it can eliminate the last remaining check on its growing authoritarian tendencies. This attack on the legal profession is part of a broader strategy to eliminate all sources of opposition and dissent. With the legal community neutralized, the Yunus government would be free to govern without scrutiny, accountability, or restraint.

The International Community Must Act

The international community must not stand by idly while the legal profession in Bangladesh is systematically dismantled. It is imperative that foreign governments, international legal bodies, and human rights organizations come together to hold the Yunus government accountable for its actions. Sanctions, travel bans, and other diplomatic measures should be considered to signal that the international community will not tolerate such blatant violations of human rights and the erosion of judicial independence.

Bangladesh’s legal community plays a critical role in defending the rights of citizens, ensuring justice, and holding the government accountable. If left unchecked, this attack on lawyers will not only destroy the independence of the judiciary but also undermine the foundations of democracy in Bangladesh. The world must take action to prevent this authoritarian descent from further dismantling the very fabric of the country’s democracy.

A Call for Resistance

The assault on Bangladesh’s lawyers is an assault on democracy itself. It is a calculated attempt by the Yunus government to consolidate power and eliminate any form of dissent. The targeting of lawyers—through arrests, fabricated charges, physical violence, and killings—is a deliberate strategy to weaken the legal profession and undermine the democratic principles upon which Bangladesh was built.

The people of Bangladesh, along with the international community, must stand in solidarity with the legal profession and demand an immediate end to this repressive campaign. The future of Bangladesh’s democracy hangs in the balance. If the legal profession is silenced, if the rule of law is further eroded, the very foundations of the nation’s democracy will crumble.

The time to act is now. The legal community, civil society, and the international community must rise together to defend justice, human rights, and democracy in Bangladesh before it is too late.

Advocate Shahanur Islam is a Bangladeshi Human Rights Lawyer and Laureate 2023 of the French Marianne Initiative for Human Rights Defenders. Currently, he is working as the Founder President of JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF).

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Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

In a strong-worded speech, President Al-Shar’a reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to justice, national unity, and the rule of law, vowing to hold perpetrators accountable.

“We will not tolerate the remnants of the Assad regime who have attacked civilians, hospitals, security forces, and security centers”, President Al-Shar’a declared. “The only option left for those remnants is to surrender to the law immediately”.

The president’s remarks come at a crucial time as Syria seeks to rebuild from years of conflict and ensure accountability for past crimes. He stressed that justice will be served without leniency for individuals involved in civilian bloodshed, abuses of power, or corruption.

“No one will be above the law. Anyone whose hands are stained with the blood of Syrians will face justice”, he asserted.

President Al-Shar’a condemned any attempts to sow division or interfere in Syria’s internal affairs. He reiterated that Syria, with all its diverse communities, remains united and resilient against foreign intervention.

“We criminalize any call or appeal that seeks to interfere in the affairs of our country or incite discord or division”, he said. “Syria, with all its components, will remain united. We will not allow any party to undermine our national unity or disrupt civil peace”.

The president also pledged to engage with families from the Syrian coast to hear their concerns and testimonies regarding past violations, ensuring that justice is served for those affected by the conflict.

“Syria will remain resilient, and we will not allow foreign forces to divide our country”, he concluded.