On a recent afternoon outside a library in Kashmir, a brief exchange between a student preparing for one of India’s most competitive examinations and three migrant balloon sellers from Rajasthan offered a quiet illustration of the economic realities that continue to drive internal migration across the country.

The scene unfolded near the library entrance, where three young men sat beside a cluster of balloons they were attempting to sell. Their presence was not unusual. Seasonal and temporary migration from economically vulnerable regions to other parts of India remains a common livelihood strategy for thousands of families seeking work opportunities unavailable in their home districts.

Among those leaving the library that day was Fawad, a student preparing for the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET), the entrance examination for medical education in India. According to witnesses present at the scene, Fawad paused after noticing the three balloon sellers and began speaking with them.

The conversation initially appeared routine. Fawad asked the young men where they had come from and how long they had been in Kashmir. The sellers responded that they had travelled from Rajasthan in search of income opportunities. They described economic hardship, limited resources and difficult living conditions as factors that had pushed them to leave home and seek work elsewhere.

The interaction drew attention because Fawad showed interest in their circumstances beyond a simple commercial transaction. Although he had no apparent need for balloons, he asked to purchase three of them. Witnesses said he paid more than the asking price and encouraged the young men to use the additional money to buy food.

From a purely financial perspective, the amount involved was modest. Yet the exchange highlighted a larger question about how individuals respond to visible signs of economic vulnerability in public spaces.

After the sellers left, an observer who had watched the interaction asked Fawad why he felt compelled to help strangers he did not know.His response was measured rather than sentimental.

“I am relatively well off,” he said. “I can skip one meal. They struggle for every meal. The matter is not always hunger.”

The remark shifted the discussion away from charity alone and toward a broader consideration of economic insecurity. For many informal workers, particularly migrants engaged in street vending and seasonal employment, the challenge extends beyond immediate food needs. Income uncertainty affects access to shelter, healthcare, education and social mobility. Small disruptions in earnings can have disproportionate consequences.

India’s internal migration patterns have long reflected these realities. Workers frequently move across states in search of seasonal employment in construction, agriculture, tourism, retail trade and informal services. Street vending, including the sale of balloons, toys and other low-cost items, often requires little capital investment but offers highly unpredictable earnings.

Daily income can depend on weather conditions, tourist activity, local demand and competition.The encounter in Kashmir illustrated these dynamics at an individual level. The three balloon sellers were not engaged in a formal employment arrangement. Their livelihood depended on persuading passers-by to purchase inexpensive products, making every interaction a potential source of income.

The image of brightly coloured balloons against the backdrop of economic hardship also carries a symbolic dimension that has long appeared in South Asian literature and poetry.

Balloons are often associated with celebration, childhood and temporary joy.

Yet their existence is inherently fragile, lasting only as long as the air within them remains contained.

That contrast finds resonance in a famous couplet by the eighteenth-century Urdu poet Mir Taqi Mir:

“Hasti apni hubab ki si hai,

Ye numaish saraab ki si hai.”

A commonly accepted English rendering is:

“Our existence is like a bubble;This spectacle of life is like a mirage.”

The couplet reflects Mir’s recurring meditation on impermanence. A bubble appears briefly before disappearing. A mirage seems real from a distance but vanishes upon closer examination. Together, the images suggest the transient nature of worldly status, possessions and human circumstances.

Viewed through that lens, the encounter between the student and the balloon sellers acquires a wider significance. The balloons themselves become a metaphor for lives shaped by uncertainty. Economic security, educational opportunity and social standing often appear stable, yet they can be fragile and unevenly distributed.

Fawad’s decision to buy three balloons did not alter the structural conditions that had brought the sellers from Rajasthan to Kashmir. Nor did it address the broader economic factors influencing migration and informal labour. What it did reveal was an awareness of the asymmetry between those who can absorb temporary hardship and those whose daily survival depends on continuous earnings.

The transaction lasted only a few minutes. The balloons changed hands, a small amount of money was exchanged, and the sellers continued on their route. Yet the conversation that accompanied the purchase left a stronger impression than the sale itself.

In public discussions about poverty, attention often focuses on statistics, government programmes and economic indicators. Those measures remain essential for understanding the scale of deprivation. At the same time, individual encounters continue to shape how people perceive inequality in everyday life.

Outside the library that day, three migrant balloon sellers were attempting to earn a living far from home. A student preparing for a future in medicine paused long enough to ask where they had come from and why.

The answers were simple: poverty, migration and the search for opportunity. The response was equally simple: the purchase of three balloons and a recognition that need is not measured solely by hunger, but also by the human desire to be seen.

Millions of people living in forest-dependent communities continue to face extreme poverty despite the global forest sector generating an estimated US$1.5 trillion annually, according to a new United Nations assessment that warns progress toward eliminating poverty among forest populations is falling behind international targets.

The findings were published in the Global Forest Goals Report 2026, released during the 21st session of the United Nations Forum on Forests on May 11. The report evaluates progress toward the United Nations General Assembly Strategic Plan for Forests 2017–2030, adopted in 2017 to strengthen the environmental, social and economic contribution of forests worldwide.

Under the framework’s second Global Forest Goal, member states committed to eradicating extreme poverty among forest-dependent people by 2030. However, the report concluded that the target is “off track,” citing persistent structural barriers that continue to prevent forest communities from benefiting fully from forest-based economies.

The global forest sector currently accounts for roughly 1% of worldwide employment, according to the assessment, yet many of the world’s poorest populations continue to reside in heavily forested regions. Large sections of these communities survive on incomes near or below US$3 per day despite forests serving as a primary source of food, fuel, income and subsistence.

The report said forestry has not significantly contributed to long-term poverty reduction among vulnerable populations because communities remain concentrated at the lowest end of supply chains with limited access to markets, processing infrastructure and commercial opportunities.

According to the UN assessment, weak market connectivity and insufficient value-added processing particularly affect producers of non-wood forest products, commonly referred to as NWFPs, which include goods such as medicinal plants, resins, nuts, fibres and wild foods. The report estimated the global value of NWFPs at approximately US$9.4 billion in 2020.

The document stated that nearly three-quarters of the global population uses some form of non-wood forest product, underlining forests’ continued importance to livelihoods and household economies, especially in rural areas across developing countries.However, the report identified major obstacles preventing forest producers from capturing greater economic returns.

These include inadequate transport infrastructure, limited access to business services, weak product standards, insufficient commercialization mechanisms and logistical bottlenecks that isolate producers from national and international markets.“Forest producers and communities remain at the low-value end of supply chains,” the assessment said, adding that infrastructure deficiencies continue to increase operational costs and reduce competitiveness for remote communities.

The report also noted a decline in forest-sector employment over the past decade. According to UN data cited in the assessment, the share of employment linked to the forest sector fell by approximately 3.1% between 2011 and 2022, further limiting income opportunities in forest-dependent regions.

The findings carry broader implications for global development targets beyond forestry itself. The UN assessment said progress in the forest sector directly affects multiple United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, including poverty reduction, food security, access to clean water, affordable energy, economic growth and sustainable consumption.

The report linked forest-based livelihoods particularly to SDG 1 on ending poverty and SDG 2 on eliminating hunger, while also identifying connections to sanitation, energy access and rural employment generation.

Sub-Saharan Africa emerged as the region facing the greatest challenge. The report said extreme poverty rates in the region remain close to 46%, with little measurable improvement despite global declines in poverty levels over recent decades. Many of the world’s forest-dependent poor reside in Sub-Saharan Africa, where rural economies remain heavily reliant on forests for daily survival.

By comparison, several countries in Asia and Latin America showed what the report described as “partial recovery” following increases in poverty triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Global extreme poverty rose sharply during the pandemic period before gradually declining from 11.4% in 2020 to approximately 10.3% in 2024, according to figures cited in the assessment. The report stated that forests played only a modest role in this recovery process.

It pointed to localized income gains generated through community forestry, agroforestry systems and payment-for-ecosystem-services programs, often referred to as PES schemes. These initiatives provided limited support for participating households but did not produce significant global reductions in poverty among forest communities.

“Data suggest that while forests continue to buffer rural livelihoods and contribute modestly to poverty reduction, there is no substantial global evidence of a significant post-2020 increase in the contribution of the forest sector to poverty eradication,” the report said.

The findings underscore a growing debate among policymakers and development agencies over how to integrate forest conservation with economic inclusion. International organizations have increasingly promoted community-led forest management and sustainable commercialization of forest resources as mechanisms for both protecting biodiversity and supporting local economies.

Environmental economists have argued that forests provide substantial indirect economic benefits through water regulation, climate stabilization and ecosystem services that are often not reflected in conventional income measurements. However, the UN assessment focused primarily on direct livelihood and poverty indicators tied to measurable household income and employment.

The report warned that without stronger investment in infrastructure, market integration and value-added forest industries, the benefits generated by the global forest economy are likely to remain concentrated away from the communities most dependent on forest resources for survival.

At the Church of the Holy Spirit in Old Havana, nearly 50 elderly residents gather three times a week for a free lunch of rice, beans, ground meat and coffee, a modest but essential supplement for pensioners whose monthly incomes often amount to less than $10 at informal exchange rates.

Among them is 84-year-old retired chemical engineer Carmen Casado, who receives a monthly pension of 2,000 Cuban pesos, worth roughly $4 on the informal market. Living alone, without children or remittances from relatives abroad, she relies on church meals in addition to the limited bread, rice and beans available through Cuba’s state-run ration stores.“This is a lifeline for us retirees with small pensions,” Casado said.

“What we get from the bodegas alone is not enough.”Older Cubans, many of them former state employees such as teachers, doctors, nurses and technicians, have been among the hardest hit by the worsening downturn, which intensified this year following an oil embargo imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump.

The crisis has brought further cuts to subsidized goods that for decades formed the backbone of Cuba’s social safety net, while rising shortages and inflation have eroded the value of fixed pensions.At the same time, the migration of younger Cubans has left many elderly residents isolated, without family members to provide financial support or day-to-day care.

Cuba was already one of Latin America’s oldest societies before the latest wave of emigration. By the end of 2024, nearly 26% of the population was aged 60 or older, according to Cuba’s National Bureau of Statistics, compared with a regional average of 14.2% reported by the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC).Over the last five years, Cuba’s population has declined by nearly 1.5 million, largely because of outward migration.

The number of residents on the island has fallen from 11.1 million to 9.7 million.The demographic shift is increasingly visible in Havana, where elderly residents stand in long lines for rationed food, sell small items such as cigarettes on the streets or search for assistance from churches and state institutions.

The pressure has prompted the government to authorize private entrepreneurs to operate elder-care services and residential facilities, a notable shift in a country where social services have traditionally remained under state control.Casado says she still considers herself fortunate. At 84, she remains physically independent, climbs the stairs to her aging apartment without a cane and needs only blood pressure medication, which she says is still available through state pharmacies.

Born in 1942, she has lived through the Cuban Revolution, the 1962 missile crisis, the Soviet-backed economic boom of the 1970s and 1980s, and the severe shortages of the post-Soviet “Special Period.”Despite today’s hardships, she continues to place responsibility for Cuba’s economic difficulties largely on the United States.

“We’re doing everything we can here to move the country forward,” she said. “But the thing is, we have a very powerful enemy, and he’s right there, right on our doorstep.”

Once regarded as a model for universal welfare in South Asia, Sri Lanka is now confronting rising food insecurity, strained public services and widening social vulnerability, prompting renewed calls from economists and rights advocates for a development model centered on universal entitlements rather than austerity-led growth.

For decades, Sri Lanka was recognized for its relatively strong public investments in education, healthcare and food subsidies, which helped establish high social indicators compared with many countries at similar income levels. Universal schooling, accessible healthcare and broad-based welfare programs were often cited as pillars of the country’s post-independence development strategy.

But recent years have seen that framework come under increasing pressure.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization’s 2025 Hunger Map and the World Food Programme’s 2024 Household Food Security Overview, around one million people in Sri Lanka are now chronically undernourished, while nearly nine million more struggle to access sufficient nutritious food. Nearly four in ten households report inadequate diets, reflecting a sharp deterioration in food security in a country that was once largely self-sufficient in food production and a major seafood exporter.

The figures come against the backdrop of Sri Lanka’s prolonged economic crisis, which intensified after the country’s sovereign debt default in 2022 and triggered inflation, currency depreciation, shortages of essential goods and sweeping fiscal restructuring.

Dr. Ahilan Kadirgamar, a leading Sri Lankan economist and senior lecturer at the University of Jaffna, said the country’s current challenges reflect not only immediate economic distress but a deeper structural shift away from universal welfare protections.

He argues that austerity measures, combined with financialization and infrastructure-heavy development priorities, redirected state resources away from people-centered public services and toward projects that did not adequately protect livelihoods.

“Until recently, Sri Lanka was a country that could sustain itself and export seafood worldwide,” Kadirgamar said. “But now we are facing a situation where millions are unable to access enough nutritious food, and public institutions are under severe strain.

”According to Kadirgamar, hospitals continue to face shortages of essential medicines, universities are functioning under reduced real funding, and welfare programs have become increasingly narrow and targeted rather than universal, leaving large sections of the population exposed during periods of crisis.

He said the transition from universal subsidies toward selective welfare mechanisms has weakened the resilience of ordinary households, particularly during inflationary shocks and employment disruptions.

Kadirgamar has called for what he describes as a “Human Rights Economy,” a framework that places universal access, democratic participation and social protection at the center of economic decision-making.

Rather than treating economic planning as a technical domain reserved for specialists, he argues that citizens must have a direct role in shaping the priorities that affect their livelihoods.

“Economic policies cannot be the realm of experts,” he said. “It must be democratized. It is people’s demands that should determine economic policies.”

The concept of a Human Rights Economy has gained wider attention through advocacy by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which frames economic governance through the lens of rights protection, equality and public accountability. The approach emphasizes that economic growth alone is insufficient if it does not translate into dignity, food security, healthcare access and social participation.

Kadirgamar said such a shift requires not only policy reform but also organized civic action.“Change will not come without action,” he said. “There needs to be coalitions organizing at every level.”He pointed to cooperatives as one practical mechanism for rebuilding resilience.

Small, democratic and community-based institutions, he said, can help reconnect producers and consumers while reducing dependence on fragile centralized supply chains and volatile global markets.In Sri Lanka, cooperative structures historically played an important role in rural development and agricultural distribution, though many weakened over time amid market liberalization and institutional decline.

Reviving such models, Kadirgamar said, could support local production while strengthening accountability and participation.“To rebuild the economy, citizens and policymakers must rethink how economic policies are made and form coalitions demanding equality, participation and universal rights,” he said.

He views the Human Rights Economy not simply as a new policy language but as a fundamental departure from the trajectory of recent decades.“That’s the context in which I understand the idea of a human rights economy,” he said. “A new framework, but one that has to completely shift from the path we have been on.”

Sri Lanka’s experience is increasingly cited in international discussions about debt, austerity and social rights, particularly as many developing economies face pressure to implement fiscal consolidation measures while managing inflation, debt servicing and weakened welfare systems.

Critics of austerity argue that reducing spending on health, education and food protection during economic recovery often deepens long-term inequality and undermines social stability, even when such measures are framed as necessary for macroeconomic reform.

Supporters of fiscal restructuring, however, argue that restoring financial credibility is essential for long-term recovery and investor confidence, especially after sovereign default.The tension between these approaches has become central to Sri Lanka’s policy debate.

The issue is also being examined through the United Nations-backed podcast series “Economies That Work for All,” produced by UN Human Rights and the UN System Staff College’s Knowledge Centre for Sustainable Development.

The series explores how human rights principles can be integrated into economic systems to support progress toward the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk has also spoken publicly about the need for rights-based economic models, particularly in countries facing sovereign debt burdens and widening inequality.

For Sri Lanka, the debate is no longer theoretical. With millions facing nutritional insecurity and public institutions under visible pressure, the question of whether recovery should be measured by fiscal balance sheets or by human well-being is becoming increasingly urgent.

What emerges from that choice may shape not only the country’s economic future, but the social contract that defines it.

A United Nations human rights report has warned that conditions in Afghanistan continue to deteriorate sharply under the country’s de facto Taliban authorities, with women and girls facing the most severe restrictions and millions struggling amid a deepening humanitarian crisis.

The assessment, presented by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk at the latest session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, covers developments between August 2025 and January 2026. It highlights a convergence of economic decline, reduced international aid, environmental stress, and governance policies that have significantly constrained civil liberties.

According to the report, approximately 21.9 million people around 45 percent of Afghanistan’s population—are expected to require humanitarian assistance in 2026. The situation has been exacerbated by a reduction in external funding, the return of nearly three million Afghans from neighboring countries during 2025, and persistent drought conditions affecting livelihoods and food security.

Türk said a series of directives issued since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021 has had a “crushing impact” on the population, particularly women and girls. These measures, the report states, have effectively excluded women from most areas of public and professional life.

Since September 2025, Taliban security forces have barred Afghan women, including United Nations staff and contractors, from entering UN premises across the country. The restriction remained in place as of late January 2026, significantly limiting the organization’s operational capacity and its ability to deliver humanitarian assistance.The report also details the formal dismissal of women civil servants.

After being instructed to remain at home following the Taliban takeover while receiving a reduced monthly salary of 5,000 Afghanis, women were informed in January 2026 that their employment had been terminated without due process or compensation. The UN noted the absence of transparency and mitigation measures in this decision.

Educational restrictions remain in place, with girls excluded from schooling beyond the sixth grade and barred from higher education since December 2022. The report notes that medical graduation examinations were conducted in November 2025 without female candidates for a second consecutive year, following a ban on women attending medical institutes imposed in December 2024.

Additional measures have further limited women’s participation in public life. Authorities have enforced dress codes under the “Law on the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice,” and although the requirement for full-body covering appears to have been relaxed in some areas, women not adhering to prescribed attire continue to face denial of access to public transport, markets, and services.

The closure of beauty salons and the removal of books authored by women from libraries and bookstores, regardless of subject matter, have further restricted cultural and intellectual expression.“The de facto authorities have, in effect, criminalized the presence of women and girls in public life,” Türk said, adding that these policies affect access to healthcare, civic participation, and freedom of movement and expression.

The report also identifies broader human rights concerns, including the use of public executions and corporal punishment. Since 2021, authorities have carried out 12 public executions, including two during the reporting period, often in sports stadiums. Public floggings are reported to occur on a weekly basis.In late September 2025, Afghanistan experienced a nationwide shutdown of its fibre optic network, resulting in a 48-hour blackout of internet and mobile services.

The disruption affected healthcare delivery, emergency response systems, aviation operations, and financial services, according to the report, which noted that no official explanation was provided.Media freedom has also come under increased pressure. Journalists face arbitrary detention and restrictions on content, while live political talk shows have been banned since February 2025.

Broadcasting of music and drama has also been prohibited. Women journalists who remain active in the profession encounter additional barriers, including reported incidents of being silenced during official briefings.Türk described the overall situation as severe, citing widespread poverty and limited access to essential services.

“Millions of Afghans live in utter poverty, deprived of their right to adequate food, clean water, and access to education, healthcare and employment,” he said. He added that natural disasters, including two earthquakes in late 2025, have compounded existing challenges, while funding cuts have weakened humanitarian response efforts.

Security conditions along Afghanistan’s borders have also contributed to instability. The UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan documented 70 civilian deaths and 478 injuries attributed to Pakistani military actions during cross-border incidents in the final quarter of 2025.

The report notes that these figures exceed annual civilian casualty levels recorded in previous years, with the most intense period occurring between October 10 and 17, when more than 500 civilians were affected.In response to these developments, the UN has called on Afghanistan’s de facto authorities to reverse policies that restrict fundamental rights.

Recommendations include restoring women’s access to education and employment, halting executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty, ending arbitrary detentions, and ensuring fair trial standards. The report also calls for respect for freedom of expression and unimpeded humanitarian access.

The UN has urged member states to suspend forced returns of Afghan nationals, warning that deportees face credible risks of persecution, torture, and other serious harm. It has also emphasized the importance of supporting a newly established Independent Investigative Mechanism mandated to collect evidence of potential international crimes.

Türk noted that accountability efforts have gained some traction, referencing arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court in July 2025. He called on states to cooperate with ongoing investigations and provide financial support for accountability mechanisms.

Separately, a civil society-led People’s Tribunal for Women of Afghanistan delivered a symbolic judgment in December 2025, finding the Taliban and associated authorities responsible for crimes against humanity, including gender-based persecution and arbitrary detention.

The tribunal also called for the recognition of “gender apartheid” as a distinct international crime.Türk endorsed efforts to formalize this concept in international law, stating that defining gender apartheid would be a critical step toward addressing systemic discrimination. He urged Afghan authorities to reconsider policies excluding women from public life, emphasizing their central role in the country’s future.

“Women and girls are the present and the future, and the country cannot thrive without them.”

Child labour continues to persist across multiple sectors despite existing legal frameworks prohibiting its practice, with field reports indicating that economic pressure, weak enforcement and informal employment structures are sustaining its prevalence.

According to practitioners working with vulnerable communities, children are still engaged in labour across agriculture, small-scale manufacturing, domestic work and street-based activities.

They said the problem is particularly acute in informal sectors, where regulation is limited and oversight mechanisms are difficult to enforce.Child rights advocates reported that many families rely on supplementary income generated by children to cope with rising living costs.

They indicated that this economic dependence often leads to children entering the workforce at an early age, sometimes at the expense of their education and well-being. In such cases, work is frequently normalised within households as a necessary survival strategy.

Labour experts noted that while national legislation prohibits hazardous and exploitative child labour, implementation remains inconsistent. They said enforcement agencies are often understaffed and face challenges in identifying violations, particularly in remote or unregulated environments.

In addition, they indicated that legal provisions are sometimes undermined by gaps in monitoring and reporting systems.Field organisations working in urban and rural areas reported that children are commonly found working long hours in conditions that expose them to physical and psychological risks.

They said these include handling heavy loads, exposure to harmful substances and working in unsafe environments without protective measures. In many instances, children are also said to face verbal abuse or exploitation, with limited access to grievance mechanisms.

Education specialists highlighted a strong correlation between child labour and school dropout rates. They reported that children engaged in work often struggle to attend school regularly or complete assignments, leading to early disengagement from formal education.

This, they said, reinforces cycles of poverty by limiting future employment opportunities.Some practitioners observed that migration and displacement are contributing factors.

They said families relocating in search of work may lack access to social services, increasing the likelihood of children entering labour markets. In such contexts, children are often employed in low-paid, informal roles where their age makes them more vulnerable to exploitation.

Stakeholders also pointed to the role of supply chains in sustaining demand for cheap labour. They said small businesses and subcontractors may employ children to reduce costs, particularly in industries where profit margins are narrow.

Without adequate traceability, they added, such practices can remain hidden within broader production networks.Government officials have maintained that policy measures are in place to address the issue, including rehabilitation programmes and awareness campaigns.

However, observers said the scale of implementation varies significantly across regions, with some areas lacking the resources needed to deliver effective interventions.Non-governmental organisations reported that rescue and rehabilitation efforts face logistical and social challenges.

They said that even when children are withdrawn from labour, reintegration into education systems is not always straightforward. Families may continue to face financial hardship, increasing the risk of children returning to work.

Experts emphasised the importance of addressing root causes, including poverty, limited access to quality education and social protection gaps. They said that without comprehensive strategies targeting these underlying factors, enforcement alone is unlikely to eliminate child labour.

They further indicated that greater coordination between government agencies, civil society and private sector actors is required to strengthen monitoring and accountability. Improved data collection and reporting mechanisms were also identified as critical to understanding the scale and nature of the problem.

Practitioners stressed that child labour is evolving in response to economic and social changes. They said that as enforcement increases in formal sectors, the practice may shift into less regulated spaces, making it harder to detect.

This trend, they warned, requires adaptive policy responses and sustained attention from authorities.

Field reports suggest that while legal frameworks provide a foundation for addressing child labour, gaps in enforcement, economic pressures and structural inequalities continue to limit their effectiveness.

Kyiv (France24) – The Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have reversed three decades of progress in reducing poverty, according to the World Bank, which is warning that the global goal of eradicating extreme poverty by 2030 is now out of reach.

In its latest report, the Washington-based lender estimates that 70 million more people were forced into extreme poverty in 2020, the largest increase since monitoring began in 1990.

Solange Mougin speaks to Mari Pangestu, Managing Director of Development Policy and Partnerships at the World Bank and a former Indonesian trade minister.

Washington (Reuters) – The United States on Wednesday said it will boost support for the Haitian police as they battle armed gangs and will speed up delivery of aid to a country suffering from crippling shortages of basic goods due to a gang blockade of a key fuel terminal.

The severity of poverty in Iran has reached such a level that there are many people with disabilities who have been forced to sell their wheelchairs to survive!

When Khomeini made his triumphant return to Iran in 1979, the population of the country was 36 million.

In the 42 years that have followed, Iran’s population has grown to more than 85 million. At that time, in 1979, due to incompetence and corruption of the monarchy, there were no reliable statistics on poverty in Iran, but according to a research article by Javad Salehi Esfahani, an Iranian economist at Virginia Tech University, titled “Revolution and Wealth Distribution in Iran” which had been published on the World Bank website: In 1977, two years before the revolution, 48% of Iranians were living in poor rural areas, and 28% of the city dwellers also lived below the poverty line. In other words, about one-third of Iranians lived below the poverty line.

Forty-some years after the revolution, according to Shahab Naderi, a member of the Economic Commission of the Iranian Parliament, 80% of Iran’s population lives below the poverty line.

In 1979, the Iranian per capita GDP was $10,000, while in 2019, the per capita GDP was less than $7,000.

But on Nov. 2, 2019, at the inauguration of a development project to mark the 40th anniversary of the revolution, Mohammad Ali Jafari, ex-commander of the Revolutionary Guard Corps, declared this: “Before the revolution, 46% of the population lived below the poverty line”. He adds: “in 2016, only about 10% of the people live below the poverty line”. He then concludes that “such a huge drop is the direct result of the Islamic revolution and a pride for the country”.

What it shows is that the regime in Tehran is a master at demagoguery and deception.

The statistics offered by Jafari could not be found on any reputable website. They were absolutely baseless lies.

According to research, in the first decade of 2000, many Iranian heads of families, despite having jobs, could not provide the minimum living needs for their families, and the problem of child malnutrition, associated with adult poverty, was one of the immediate effects of such a substandard lifestyle in Iran.

According to the ILNA news agency in a report dated Oct. 20, 2021, more than 95% of the Iranian labor community currently do not have job security and experience a life full of pressure and stress. The Iranian workers are at the bottom of the pyramid regarding their inadequate income and high cost of living.

According to Tasnim News Agency in a report dated Dec. 30, 2020: “…their food basket (expenses have) increased by about 200% in the period of 9 months before this date. Their housing costs have increased five times in a period of 2 years. With these conditions, the 14,494,000 officially insured workers, who number more than 49 million with their families and make up about 58 percent of the population, are just trying to survive, not live”.

The severity of poverty in Iran has reached such a level that there are many people with disabilities who have been forced to sell their wheelchairs to survive!

Another sign of poverty is the presence of too many beggars in cities, who have become an “increasing problem” for society due to their large numbers.

Another product of such a broken economy is the presence of working children in every city throughout Iran. The exact number of working children is not known, but it is estimated to be 3 million, who instead of going to school and studying are wandering in the streets of big cities, engaged in peddling or looking through garbage bins, collecting recyclable items so that they can provide food for their families.

According to Mohammad Reza Mahboobfar, a member of the Land Management Association of Iran, in 2017, about 40% of the urban population of Iran were living on the outskirts in substandard situations. After three years in 2020, along with inflation, skyrocketing prices in the housing sector, rent hikes, etc., the population living in the shantytowns has reached 45%.

If we calculate this 45% of 85 million people in Iran, it means more than 38 million Iranians have been forced to move and live in slums on the outskirts of cities and lack the necessary living facilities such as running water and electricity, sewage system, school, hospital and park and playground for children, etc.

However, with these circumstances, the Iranian regime has not stopped its nuclear and missile programs and the expansionist policies of meddling in other countries! According to Falahatpisheh, a member of parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, in the last decade, Iran has spent more than $30 billion just to support the Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. To this figure, we should add the payout to its proxy groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas in Palestine, and various groups in Iraq, which amount to millions of dollars each month.

On the other hand, due to the institutionalized corruption in Iran’s governmental organizations and IRGC, and astronomical thefts and embezzlement have earned Iran number 1 rank in the number of millionaires in the Middle East. The children of these people, who are all affiliated with the regime officials, live in aristocracy in Iran, Canada, the United States, and European countries.

With such class divide and widespread poverty and discontent pervading more than 90% of society, it can be expected that Iran will soon witness a scene of unrest and uprisings comparable to those that we saw in November 2019. The difference is that this time Khamenei will not be able to suppress them easily, because the people have nothing to lose and they are determined to change the regime in Iran.

Cyrus Yaqubi is a Research Analyst and Iranian Foreign Affairs Commentator investigating the social issues and economy of the Middle East countries in general and Iran in particular.

Reports of daily suicides in Iran have almost become commonplace.  According to a recent report carried by the state-run ROKNA News Agency, from April 15 to 16, a total of 84 people committed suicide in Tehran alone.

These statistics show how fed-up Iranians are with their lives and Iran’s collapsing economy.

Of course, suicide statistics in Iran are not provided regularly and accurately. However, statistics from Iran’s Ministry of Health show that Iran is one of the countries that suffers the most from this problem.

According to these figures published by the Ministry in 2019, out of every 100,000 Iranians, 125 people commit suicide, a very high number compared to worldwide figures.

In a 2019 report, the World Health Organization said less than 15.4 per 100,000 people in Europe commit suicide. Even the suicide rate in India, which is suffering from extreme poverty is 16 per 100,000 people.

Reports of suicide attempts in Iranian media demonstrates that most people who attempted suicide were young people under 30 years old, and among them were children aged between 11 and 12. In 2018, the number of juvenile suicides in Iran accounted for 20% of the suicide rate.

According to the state-run Etemad daily, from March to November 2020, a total of 3,589 men and women died from suicide.

The most common methods of suicide in Iran, especially among young women, are hangings, jumping off buildings and pedestrian bridges, and self-immolation. In the past month alone, 13 young women and girls committed suicide in Kurdish provinces in western Iran.

One of the main causes of suicide among young people and adolescents is the absence of hope for the future, economic hardships, and social issues. Some of the reasons Iranians commit suicide are as follows:  

• Millions of young people have no hope of finding a job.
• They do not have minimum welfare and security in the face of economic hardship.
•  Being exposed to social violence due to the lack of freedom, repression and repressive laws against women and restrictions that double the already existing social and cultural pressures.
• Inequality and discrimination against ordinary Iranians by regime elites.

Widespread poverty and unemployment are another reason for the high suicide rates in Iran. This is the direct result of systematic multibillion-dollar financial corruption in the structures of government institutions, the low value of Iran’s national currency and the skyrocketing prices of basic commodities, as well as rising housing and rent prices. Many small and medium-sized industries and workshops have gone bankrupt which has led to large-scale layoffs and the inability of factories to pay the salaries of workers.

As a result, Iran’s middle class has virtually disappeared with nearly 80% of the population living below the line of poverty. Many items such as meat and fruit have long been removed from people’s diets.

These factors have significantly reduced public tolerance and suicide has become a method of protesting the status quo.  For example, last year, several children and teenagers committed suicide because their families were unable to provide tablets or smartphones for them for online classes.

Maryam Abbasinejad, the director of the Suicide Prevention Program at the Ministry of Health’s Mental Health Office said 100,000 suicide attempts were registered in 2018 in Iran. However, many experts say official suicide statistics are only the tip of the iceberg.

According to a report by social science researchers, from 2015 to 2019, Iran’s suicide rate has increased by 60% meaning.

But suicides are not the only way Iranians show they are fed up with the status quo. During the past years, Iranians have taken to the streets across the country to show their anger towards the regime they hold responsible for all their hardships.  

In the most recent protests in November 2019, the regime responded by gunning down 1,500 men women and children.

These protests indicate that the current situation will not hold up much longer and since conditions have gotten worse than before, more protests in the future are imminent; Protests that might get rid of the theocracy once and for all.