Al-Qadi, who worked as a secretary for physician Rania Al-Abbasi, was last seen on March 11, 2013, when she left her home in the Dummar district of Damascus after receiving what relatives described as an urgent telephone call. According to family members, she never returned.

Her case remains unresolved despite years of inquiries, unverified reports and searches through available records. Family members say they have received no official confirmation regarding her whereabouts or fate.

Speaking to Syria’s state news agency SANA, relatives described Al-Qadi as a strong-willed and responsible daughter who often assumed a protective role within her family. Her father, Mohammad Fares Al-Qadi, recalled personal memories of his daughter, including performing Umrah together, which he said had helped sustain him through years of uncertainty.

Her sister, Fatima Al-Qadi, said the family learned after her disappearance that Majdoleen had quietly participated in humanitarian efforts, helping distribute aid to displaced families in the Dummar area.

According to relatives, Al-Qadi was detained upon arriving at the home of Al-Abbasi, along with members of the doctor’s family, in an operation allegedly carried out by military intelligence under the government that ruled Syria at the time. The family said they were never formally informed of her detention or subsequent location.

Family members said years of searching exposed them to conflicting reports, false leads and individuals who claimed to possess information in exchange for money. Mahmoud Sheikh Al-Shabab, Al-Qadi’s uncle, said the family repeatedly received contradictory accounts suggesting she had been transferred between detention facilities, but none could be independently verified.

The prolonged uncertainty took a significant emotional toll. Relatives said Al-Qadi’s mother experienced deteriorating health during the years-long search and died in 2018 after being diagnosed with cancer.

In an effort to find evidence, Fatima Al-Qadi recently reviewed archival videos and records related to detainees and missing persons, including materials held by Syria’s National Commission for Missing Persons. She said she was unable to identify her sister in any of the available footage, although she recognized children belonging to Al-Abbasi’s family.

With no confirmed information emerging, the family held condolence gatherings on June 4 and 5. Relatives emphasized that the event was symbolic and intended to honor Majdoleen’s memory rather than represent official confirmation of her death.

Her case reflects a broader national challenge confronting Syria. According to estimates previously released by the National Commission for Missing Persons, between 120,000 and 300,000 missing-person cases remain unresolved across the country, making it one of the largest humanitarian and accountability issues stemming from more than a decade of conflict.

For families such as the Al-Qadis, the absence of definitive answers continues to leave a void that neither time nor speculation has been able to fill.

A British woman convicted on terrorism-related charges after traveling to Syria has described her trajectory from personal vulnerability and radicalisation to imprisonment and eventual reintegration into society, offering a detailed account of the personal, legal and social consequences of her actions.

The woman, identified as Shakil, said her early life was marked by instability, including regular visits to her father in prison. She described a determination during adolescence to pursue a different path, excelling academically and enrolling at university to study psychology.

However, at age 20, she entered into a relationship that she said quickly became controlling. Within a year, she had married and left her studies.Shakil stated that the relationship resulted in social isolation and restricted communication, including periods during which she did not have access to a phone.

She distanced herself from family members, citing fear of disclosing her circumstances. During this period, she became involved with individuals who facilitated her travel to Syria via Turkey. She later told authorities that she concealed the truth from her family out of concern that she would lose access to her child.

Following her return, Shakil was released on bail and allowed limited contact with her son. She described this period as the most difficult phase of her life, marked by severe emotional distress and close monitoring by family members concerned about her safety.

After several months, she was formally charged with joining the Islamic State group and encouraging acts of terrorism, based on digital communications and social media activity during her time in Syria.In court proceedings, prosecutors presented messages in which Shakil expressed support for extremist causes and encouraged others to join her.

One message indicated a desire to die as a martyr. Additional evidence included photographs recovered from her phone, among them an image of her young child holding an assault rifle. Shakil denied the charges, arguing that she had not formally joined the group and that her actions were influenced by coercion and surveillance within Syria.

The presiding judge rejected her account, citing inconsistencies in her statements and the nature of the evidence. The court emphasized the risks posed to her child, including exposure to extremist ideology. Shakil was found guilty on both counts and sentenced to six years in prison.

Her case unfolded against the broader backdrop of the territorial defeat of Islamic State, marked by the fall of Baghouz in March 2019. Around the same time, another British national, Shamima Begum, re-emerged in a refugee camp.

Begum had left the United Kingdom as a minor and later became the subject of international attention when her citizenship was revoked by the British government on national security grounds. Authorities argued that she was eligible for citizenship elsewhere through her family, a claim that has been contested in ongoing legal proceedings.

Shakil drew a distinction between her own case and that of Begum, while acknowledging similarities in their circumstances. She expressed the view that Begum had been groomed as a minor, but argued that differences in their experiences, including the duration of time spent in Syria, shaped their respective outcomes.

Following her conviction, Shakil served approximately half of her sentence, including time spent on remand, before being released under strict probation conditions. These included geographic restrictions, limits on contact with family members, electronic monitoring, and a curfew.

Despite these constraints, she secured employment in multiple roles, including cleaning, hospitality and administrative work, often holding more than one job simultaneously.After completing her probationary period in 2021, Shakil began to speak publicly about her experiences.

She participated in a documentary and media appearances aimed at raising awareness about online grooming and radicalisation. She described her actions as the result of vulnerability and manipulation, while acknowledging public skepticism regarding such claims.

Efforts to establish a charitable initiative focused on educating young people about extremism did not materialize, which she attributed in part to a lack of public trust. She continued to receive negative reactions online but indicated that such responses did not significantly affect her.

In the years following her release, Shakil reported gradual improvements in her personal circumstances. Contact with her son was eventually restored, and she described rebuilding relationships with family and establishing a stable social network. By 2024, she indicated that she had reached a level of stability that had previously seemed unattainable.

More recently, she has used social media platforms to engage with audiences on topics including relationships, self-esteem and personal development. While she does not regularly discuss her past, she views her current lifestyle and public presence as part of a broader effort to demonstrate the possibility of rehabilitation.

Shakil remains subject to long-term monitoring requirements and continues to report regularly to law enforcement authorities, a condition that will remain in place until 2034. She stated that she accepts these measures as part of the consequences of her actions.

Her account reflects the intersection of personal vulnerability, extremist recruitment, legal accountability and reintegration challenges, illustrating the long-term implications of involvement in conflict zones and proscribed organisations.

Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

The war in Syria may not be over on paper, but on the ground, the tide has clearly turned. Since the collapse of the Assad regime in December 2024, nearly 250,000 Syrian refugees in Turkey have returned home. This movement is not driven by propaganda or pressure, but by something far more powerful: the hope that Syria, at long last, is stabilizing.

That hope is grounded in real, visible change. The Damascus Stock Exchange has reopened, signaling a cautious but meaningful restart of the formal economy. Finance Minister Mohammed Yisr Barnieh called it a message to the world—that Syria is back in business.

The turning point came on May 13, when U.S. President Donald Trump, during a landmark visit to Riyadh, announced the lifting of sanctions on Syria. Ten days later, the U.S. Treasury issued General License 25, permitting transactions with Syria’s new transitional government, headed by President Ahmad Al-Sharaa. The EU swiftly followed with a coordinated suspension of its own sanctions regime. In less than two weeks, Syria went from pariah to partner in the eyes of global policymakers.

The momentum is not only diplomatic. Gulf states are stepping up. On Saturday, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, speaking from Damascus, announced a joint initiative with Qatar to help fund salaries for Syrian civil servants. These are the sorts of actions that turn ceasefires into recoveries.

And yet, despite these gains, Syria’s path forward still faces one last—and deeply entrenched—obstacle: the PKK-affiliated administration in northeast Syria, branded to the world as the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), and militarily represented by the PYD and SDF.

Let’s be candid. For years, Western governments, NGOs, and think tanks have celebrated the AANES as a “progressive” alternative in Syria. But the reality on the ground tells a much darker story. Despite controlling vast natural resources, receiving billions in foreign aid, and enjoying unprecedented U.S. military protection, the AANES has delivered little more than corruption, repression, and instability.

Entire Arab and Assyrian communities have been displaced under their watch. Basic services remain in disrepair. Youth conscription, political detentions, and even child recruitment are not allegations—they are documented practices. Many in Raqqa, Deir Ezzor, and Hasakah view the AANES not as a government but as an occupying structure—an extension of the PKK’s transnational project, not a legitimate representative of the Syrian people.

This is not just Syria’s internal issue. It’s a regional problem. The longer these entities maintain their grip, the harder it becomes to achieve a unified, sovereign Syrian state capable of rebuilding and reconciling.

To its credit, the transitional government in Damascus has not responded with vengeance. President Al-Sharaa has focused on restoring institutions, rebuilding national infrastructure, and pursuing a post-conflict political identity that moves beyond sectarianism. But these efforts will remain incomplete until all Syrian territories are returned to accountable, sovereign administration.

In this context, the reopening of the U.S. embassy in Damascus sends a powerful signal. Newly appointed American envoy Thomas Barrack—who also serves as the U.S. ambassador to Turkey—raised the American flag over the embassy for the first time since 2012. He praised Syria’s new leadership and openly discussed the prospect of peace between Syria and Israel—once a diplomatic impossibility. Barrack noted that the Caesar Act sanctions must now be repealed by Congress, describing President Trump as impatient with sanctions that obstruct reconstruction.

None of this should be mistaken for instant success. The Syrian state remains fragile. Public sector wages are still well below the cost of living. Corruption, while being addressed, is not yet defeated. And sectarian wounds—especially those left by clashes between pro-Assad remnants and local communities—will take time to heal.

But from my perspective as a European political analyst, this is the first time in years that Syria’s future feels negotiable rather than doomed.

To my Arab readers: Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

To Western policymakers: the failed experiment of non-state actors ruling eastern Syria must end. It did not bring democracy. It brought dysfunction. The time has come to support a Syrian solution, not a Kurdish separatist detour funded by Western guilt and strategic confusion.

The Syrian war broke the country. But the outlines of recovery are finally emerging. The world has a choice: engage constructively—or prolong the suffering under the illusion of alternatives that have long since collapsed.