Recognizing caste within the Muslim population isn’t a threat to unity; it’s a path toward justice.

In a landmark shift, India’s central government has decided to include caste data in the upcoming national census—the first time such a detailed caste count will take place since 1931. On paper, it’s a technical change. But for millions of India’s most invisible citizens, it’s potentially transformative.

Among those who stand to gain the most are Pasmanda Muslims—a broad umbrella term that includes Dalit, Adivasi, and other backward-class Muslim communities. Despite being the numerical majority among India’s Muslims, Pasmandas have long lived in the shadows of policy, politics, and even community representation.

A recent caste survey in Telangana revealed something telling: nearly 80% of the state’s Muslims belong to Pasmanda backgrounds. It was a statistic that didn’t surprise social scientists or grassroots activists—but it was a rare moment of clarity in a country where Muslim identity is often painted with one broad brushstroke.

That simplification has done real harm. The Indian Muslim is frequently seen as a singular, undivided bloc—one minority, one vote bank, one voice. But that narrative erases the deep social hierarchies and caste divisions within the community itself. And Pasmandas, who bear the brunt of poverty, discrimination, and social exclusion, are the ones who disappear from view.

Within the community, elite Muslim groups—those traditionally seen as Ashraf or upper caste—have dominated platforms of power: political parties, religious boards, cultural institutions, and media narratives. Meanwhile, Pasmandas have remained underrepresented, often struggling with lower literacy rates, poorer healthcare, and fewer job opportunities.

The last significant spotlight on Muslim marginalization came nearly two decades ago, through the Sachar Committee Report in 2006. Its findings were damning: many Muslim groups, especially those from Pasmanda backgrounds, fared worse than Scheduled Castes in key development indicators. Yet the lack of caste-disaggregated data meant that policies based on these findings were broad and ineffective. Everyone got lumped together. And as usual, those at the bottom lost out.

That’s why this new caste census matters. It could offer, for the first time in independent India, a full picture of caste realities within the Muslim community. It could provide a foundation for smarter, more targeted policies—ones that don’t just benefit “Muslims” in general, but specifically uplift those most in need.

It also corrects a historical oversight. During British rule, caste among Muslims was acknowledged and documented. The 1901 and 1931 censuses classified Muslims into categories like Ashraf (nobles), Ajlaf (backward), and Arzal (Dalit or “untouchable”). These categories were crude, but they at least reflected a social truth. After independence, however, India adopted a more homogenized view of its minorities—particularly Muslims—and quietly dropped caste from the conversation.

This erasure wasn’t just bureaucratic. It had real consequences. In 1950, Dalit Muslims lost their eligibility for Scheduled Caste (SC) reservations. To this day, they are denied affirmative action on the basis of caste, despite experiencing the same structural discrimination as their Hindu Dalit counterparts.

Welfare schemes and affirmative policies, designed without acknowledging these internal hierarchies, have repeatedly missed their mark. Upper-caste Muslims—though a minority within the minority—have often been the primary beneficiaries. Pasmandas remain at the margins.

For the upcoming census to make a difference, it must be handled transparently and without political interference. The data should be released in full. No filters. No spin. Only then can it serve as a blueprint for real change.

This isn’t about dividing communities—it’s about understanding them. Recognizing caste within the Muslim population isn’t a threat to unity; it’s a path toward justice. It gives voice to those who have long been ignored and lays the groundwork for more inclusive policies.

For Pasmanda Muslims, this census isn’t just a count. It’s a chance to be seen.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

In a striking piece titled “All Roads Lead to Pakistan,” Blackburn deploys rhyme and rhythm to weave together a litany of global terror attacks — from the 9/11 bombings in New York and the 7/7 transit attacks in London, to the 2008 Mumbai carnage and unrest in Kashmir. Each stanza ends with a refrain that echoes his central argument: “All roads, all roads lead to Pakistan.”

The poem, now circulating widely across social media platforms, takes aim at Pakistan’s role as a hub for extremist networks. Though not an unfamiliar assertion in diplomatic circles, Blackburn’s decision to express this through verse has added a layer of emotional resonance that policy reports and press briefings rarely capture.

9/11, 7/7 — the skies burned red,
The flags of terror left defenceless dead.
From cave to command, from plot to plan,
All roads, all roads lead to Pakistan.
26/11 — Mumbai bled,
Ash and flame where children fled.
22/4 — in Pahalgam’s grace,
A meadow fell — a shattered place.
From Kalashnikov to prayer and ban,
All roads, all roads lead to Pakistan.
New York weeps, and London mourns,
Bali’s beaches, Kashmir’s thorns.
From training camps to hidden hand,
The signal’s clear, the airwaves scanned —
Terror stirs where shadows span:
All roads, all roads lead to Pakistan.

A specialist in international relations and counterterrorism, Blackburn has been a frequent commentator in European think tank discussions on radicalization, cross-border extremism, and human rights in South Asia. His current role with the EBF — a group that advocates for secularism and minority rights in Bangladesh — has brought him closer to diaspora concerns about religious extremism and state complicity.

His poetic pivot comes amid growing scrutiny of Pakistan’s domestic policies and its relationships with jihadist groups. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF), which had previously grey-listed the country for terror financing concerns, lifted the designation in 2022 — a move that critics like Blackburn viewed as premature.

The poem’s structure is simple, almost nursery-like in its cadence, but its content is anything but gentle. References to “Kalashnikov to prayer and ban” and “terror stirs where shadows span” leave little ambiguity about Blackburn’s message: international terrorism, regardless of where it strikes, has operational links that often trace back to Islamabad’s orbit.

Whether praised for its courage or criticized for its bluntness, “All Roads Lead to Pakistan” has succeeded in sparking conversation — and perhaps that was Blackburn’s goal all along.

This situation clearly showed that in the new Bangladesh, if you are Hindu, fighting for your rights is considered sedition.

Bangladesh in 2025 feels like a place weighed down by memories. While the events of 1971 linger in the air, the reality on the ground seems more like the partition era of 1947. The once hopeful vision of a Bangladesh where Hindus and Muslims could join hands to create a unified nation has been eroded by the passage of time and the impact of politics.

Today, speaking against India is no longer just a slogan on the streets. It casts a dark shadow over every Hindu teacher, lawyer, and activist who is brave enough to express their views.

The Reported Persecution

Get in touch with Chinmoy Krishna Das’s family. He was a monk who became an activist. His arrest for sedition in late 2024 deeply affected the Hindu community. Why was he arrested? He demanded constitutional protections for minorities. This action sparked not only protests but also violence. Temples were destroyed by fire, homes were robbed. This situation clearly showed that in the new Bangladesh, if you are Hindu, fighting for your rights is considered sedition.

Utsav Mondal was taken and beaten in a police station because of a Facebook post. He survived, but it sent a clear warning: staying quiet is safer. People speak quietly about Bhavesh Chandra Roy, another demised Hindu leader admired for his bravery. Teachers, lawyers, and everyday Hindu citizens find themselves part of a crossfire that battles with history and the future.

Human rights groups and the BBC have been reporting issues faced by Hindus in Bangladesh, particularly after political changes in the country. Hindus are often pressured to prove they are not in support of India as anti-India hatred among the extremists grow stronger. 

In Bangladesh, a troubling wave of violence and fear forced at least 49 minority teachers to resign. These teachers faced physical attacks and threats. Sajib Sarkar from the Bangladesh Chhatra Oikya Parishad shared that out of all the teachers who left their jobs, only 19 were able to return. Across the country, this situation has left classrooms and staff rooms empty and damaged.

Besides targeting homes and temples, attackers are also focusing on schools, where the future generation is being educated. In today’s Bangladesh, even a simple blackboard for education has become unsafe for minority groups.

From August 5 to 20, there were 2,010 incidents of communal violence, resulting in the death of nine people belonging to a minority community. Additionally, a report by TIB highlighted that religion-based politics is gaining more influence in Bangladesh.

The unreported Persecution

In this setting, Tulsi Gabbard, the US Director of National Intelligence, expressed concern: “The ongoing problems of persecution, killing, and mistreatment of religious minorities—Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, Catholics, and others—are a big issue for the US government.” For Hindus in Bangladesh, fear is a longstanding issue, but recent silence about it is something new.

British Journalist Sahar Zand walks through the remains of a burned Hindu barn in northern Bangladesh, calling the scene “gut-wrenching.” A year’s worth of harvest has been destroyed, and the farmer is too scared to speak, his silence a sign of the community’s fear.

Zand’s BBC documentary reveals details that headlines often miss. She notes that “Attacks on the Hindu community happen daily, with 8 to 9 cases reported each week in Northern Bangladesh,” according to local activist Bonamali.

She highlights the despair by mentioning that “Most people are planning to leave. They’ve already packed their important belongings. Every Hindu in Bangladesh has this plan,” a voice shared with her. Zand shows that the violence against Hindus is ongoing, their silence is forced, and often the world is looking away.

At the sidelines event of United Nations, Journalist Sahar Zand stands strongly and speaks the truth that many avoid: “Minorities in Bangladesh are facing attacks. I witnessed it myself, and it’s very frightening. The world needs to pay attention.”

Zand, who has reported from conflict zones such as Afghanistan and Iran, describes Bangladesh as “extremely terrifying.” This is not due to what is in the news, but because of what is not being reported.

“The situation in the country is not being shown in the international media. It feels like the world is ignoring it,” she warns with a clear and strong voice. For Hindus in Bangladesh, Zand’s comments are a rare sign—showing that someone is watching, even as the silence becomes overwhelming.

How Interim Regime Controls Media?

American Researcher and former Pentagon official Michael Rubin attended congressional briefing stated: “Bangladeshi journalists and civil society are in danger. At the same time, Yunus is spending a lot of money to promote his image in international media,” he says. He highlights that the arrest of Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed is now a regular occurrence under the Interim government.

Rubin points out that more than a thousand journalists have lost their jobs for being “too secular,” making newsrooms dangerous for those who don’t align with the authorities’ views.

Political Expert Chris Blackburn, who has been observing the situation in Bangladesh for many years, warns about ongoing efforts by the interim authorities to intimidate and silence the press. His concerns are felt in every newsroom, where editors think twice before deciding to publish.

In Dhaka, journalists are learning to be extremely cautious which is leading to censorship of news about minorities and persecution. Therefore, reports like at-least 49 minority teachers persecution could possibly only be a trailer of the incident. 

 Interim’s lack of accountability Diplomacy

The Interim government in Dhaka often denies reports about attacks on Hindus. They claim these reports are just made-up stories from social media or have political motives. When India raises its concerns, Dhaka’s government accuses India of interfering in its affairs and puts the false blame on Sheikh Hasina’s supporters or outside troublemakers. Instead of dealing with the violence, like the killing of Bhabesh Chandra Roy—which India says shows ongoing persecution—the government’s spokesperson criticizes India.

They talk about communal issues in West Bengal regarding Waqf Bill which is a policy driven issue and nothing to do with targeted minority persecution. They prefer this diplomatic sorcery possibly to make false comparisons based on tactical disinformation. Instead, the Interim Government’s rhetoric fuels mob violence as radical supporters of the interim government declare war against India, Seven Sisters and Hindus getting inspired and radicalized from the theocratic Ghazwa E Hind (Battle against Hindus) sourced from broader Islamic literature (Hadith).

Dhaka surprisingly disregarded DNI Tulsi Gabbard’s statement as misleading, which shows how relentless Bangladeshi authorities are to sabotage facts on persecution. But why Dhaka hasn’t been able to refute Journalist Sahar Zand’s field-based report of unreported persecution of Hindus remains a riddle. 

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Perhaps the most dangerous tactic employed by the Yunus government is the use of fabricated charges against lawyers in an attempt to discredit and neutralize them.

In an unprecedented and deeply alarming move, the interim government of Bangladesh, led by former Nobel Peace Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, has launched a systemic campaign aimed directly at the country’s legal community.

According to documentation from JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF), since assuming power in August 2024, the Yunus administration has orchestrated an alarming series of politically motivated arrests, fabricated charges, killings, forcible possession of the Bangladesh Bar Council and other district bar associations, and physical attacks targeting lawyers.

Over 391 legal professionals are now facing false accusations such as murder and explosive explosions. More than 131 have already been arrested, some detained without charges solely for their professional activities and political beliefs, while many more have been subjected to abuse, threats, and harassment. What we are witnessing is not a series of isolated incidents, but a deliberate, orchestrated attack on the rule of law and the very independence of Bangladesh’s judiciary.

This unprecedented crackdown on lawyers, many of whom are simply fulfilling their professional duties, reflects the government’s growing authoritarian tendencies and its determination to quash any form of political opposition. In doing so, it poses an existential threat to the fundamental principles of justice, constitutional rights, and democratic governance in Bangladesh.

Arrests and Arbitrary Detentions: The Systematic Repression of Lawyers

The Yunus government has weaponized the arrest and detention of lawyers as a tool of political repression. The arbitrary arrests, often conducted under the cover of night, are carried out without regard for due process and with complete disregard for human rights and the legal protections that should be afforded to all citizens. These actions are meant to send a clear message to the legal community: dissent will not be tolerated.

On April 7, 2025, Barrister Turin Afroz, a former ICT prosecutor, was arrested from her home, only months after surviving a brutal physical assault by unknown assailants. The attack on her was never investigated, and now she is facing arrest in what appears to be retaliation for her legal work. Other prominent figures, such as Advocate Khan Md. Alauddin and Advocate Rezaul Karim Khokon, have similarly been targeted in politically motivated arrests aimed at silencing those who dare to speak out or represent clients from opposition groups.

The arbitrary nature of these arrests was further highlighted on April 6, 2025, when 84 pro-Awami League lawyers were thrown into jail after a Dhaka Metropolitan Sessions Judge overruled anticipatory bail granted by the High Court. This flagrant violation of established legal procedures not only undermines the judiciary’s independence but also exposes the government’s determination to bend the legal system to its will, regardless of constitutional guarantees.

Many of these lawyers are held without charges, often denied access to legal counsel and forced to endure harsh conditions in jail. They are also treated inhumanely, with their hands cuffed behind their backs. This behavior is in direct violation of Bangladesh’s constitutional protections and international human rights standards. The clear intent behind these arrests is not to administer justice but to intimidate and silence a professional community that has historically been one of the strongest defenders of democratic rights.

Fabrication of Charges: A Political Witch Hunt

Perhaps the most dangerous tactic employed by the Yunus government is the use of fabricated charges against lawyers in an attempt to discredit and neutralize them. By leveling baseless accusations such as murder, explosives, or assault, the government not only attacks individual lawyers but attempts to delegitimize the entire legal profession as a whole.

On February 12, 2025, 32 lawyers were falsely accused of attacking student protesters in Comilla—a charge entirely fabricated to undermine opposition voices. Similarly, in February 2025, 144 pro-Awami League lawyers were falsely implicated in an assault and attempted murder case linked to protests from the July movement. These false charges are not isolated incidents but part of a pattern of politically motivated persecution designed to punish those who dare to challenge the status quo.

In November 2024, 70 lawyers from Chattogram were falsely charged under the Explosives Act, a draconian law that permits severe penalties. Eleven other lawyers were implicated in the death of a street vendor, despite a complete lack of evidence to link them to the crime. These fabricated charges not only violate the fundamental rights of lawyers but also serve as a calculated strategy to suppress opposition and silence political dissent.

The Yunus government has clearly weaponized the justice system for political purposes. It sends a chilling message to the legal community: challenge the government, defend political dissidents, or even represent those the government dislikes—and you will face fabricated charges that could ruin your career, imprison you, and destroy your reputation.

Physical Attacks and Intimidation: Cultivating Fear Among Lawyers

The Yunus government’s attack on the legal profession is not limited to arrests and fabricated charges. There has been a disturbing rise in physical violence aimed at intimidating lawyers into silence. Such acts of brutality serve to create a climate of fear and compel legal professionals to think twice before representing clients that may be seen as politically sensitive or opposition-affiliated.

In March 2025, three prominent lawyers from Jamalpur were brutally attacked while performing their professional duties. Similar violent incidents have occurred at various courts, with lawyers like Morshed Hossain Shaheen and Sheikh Farid subjected to mob violence in Dhaka. In August 2024, Barrister Ashraful Islam was stabbed in the Supreme Court Bar Association building—a brazen act of violence meant to send a clear message to all lawyers: if you challenge the government’s actions or defend political dissenters, you risk your safety.

These incidents of physical violence are not random acts; they are part of a deliberate strategy to suppress opposition and instill fear. Lawyers are increasingly reluctant to take on cases that challenge the government’s position or represent opposition figures. The result is a paralyzed legal community unable to perform its crucial role in upholding the rule of law.

Killings: The Ultimate Form of State Terror

The attack on Bangladesh’s legal community has escalated to the point where the lives of lawyers are at risk. In April 2025, Advocate Sujon Mia, a former student leader and a member of the Moulvibazar District Bar Association, was brutally stabbed to death by a group of youth miscreants. It is alleged that he was killed because he represented politically motivated accused individuals affiliated with the Bangladesh Awami League and its associated wings in court.

Earlier, on August 5, 2024, young lawyer Nayan Sheikh, affiliated with the Bangladesh Awami League, was fatally hacked to death at his home in Bagerhat, following the fall of the previous Awami League regime.

On November 26, 2024, lawyer Saiful Islam, an Assistant Public Prosecutor, was killed during a clash in Chattogram involving supporters of Hindu leader Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari, police, and BGB forces. These killings represent the ultimate form of repression, aiming not only to eliminate outspoken legal professionals but also to instill a pervasive fear that further discourages any form of resistance.

Electoral Obstruction and Democratic Sabotage

The Yunus government has also taken steps to obstruct the democratic process, particularly within the legal community. These efforts have included direct interference in bar elections to ensure that only those loyal to the regime are allowed to hold key positions. As soon as the Yunus government took power, the Bangladesh Bar Council office was forcibly taken over by unelected pro-BNP-Jamaat lawyers, along with the Dhaka Bar Association and Khulna Bar Association offices.

On April 10, 2025, in Chattogram, pro-Awami lawyers were barred from collecting nomination papers for the Bar election, a blatant attempt to prevent any opposition from gaining power within the legal profession. This incident is part of a broader pattern of electoral obstruction across the country, as seen between January and March 2025, when lawyers affiliated with the ruling coalition were forcibly prevented from contesting bar elections in Rajbari, Naogaon, and Sirajganj. In Dinajpur, 13 candidates were disqualified on purely political grounds.

Such actions are a direct assault on democratic processes, as the ruling regime seeks to eliminate any independent voices within the legal community. By controlling the electoral process within the Bar, the Yunus government is ensuring that no opposition remains within the structures that could hold it accountable.

A Descent into Authoritarianism

The systematic targeting of Bangladesh’s legal community is not just an attack on individual lawyers—it is an attack on the very pillars of justice, democracy, and the rule of law. Under the Yunus administration, the government has steadily shifted towards authoritarianism, systematically dismantling the democratic structures that have historically held the state accountable.

The legal profession, with its long-standing ties to the opposition and its role in defending human rights and political freedoms, has become a primary target. The Yunus government understands that by silencing lawyers, it can eliminate the last remaining check on its growing authoritarian tendencies. This attack on the legal profession is part of a broader strategy to eliminate all sources of opposition and dissent. With the legal community neutralized, the Yunus government would be free to govern without scrutiny, accountability, or restraint.

The International Community Must Act

The international community must not stand by idly while the legal profession in Bangladesh is systematically dismantled. It is imperative that foreign governments, international legal bodies, and human rights organizations come together to hold the Yunus government accountable for its actions. Sanctions, travel bans, and other diplomatic measures should be considered to signal that the international community will not tolerate such blatant violations of human rights and the erosion of judicial independence.

Bangladesh’s legal community plays a critical role in defending the rights of citizens, ensuring justice, and holding the government accountable. If left unchecked, this attack on lawyers will not only destroy the independence of the judiciary but also undermine the foundations of democracy in Bangladesh. The world must take action to prevent this authoritarian descent from further dismantling the very fabric of the country’s democracy.

A Call for Resistance

The assault on Bangladesh’s lawyers is an assault on democracy itself. It is a calculated attempt by the Yunus government to consolidate power and eliminate any form of dissent. The targeting of lawyers—through arrests, fabricated charges, physical violence, and killings—is a deliberate strategy to weaken the legal profession and undermine the democratic principles upon which Bangladesh was built.

The people of Bangladesh, along with the international community, must stand in solidarity with the legal profession and demand an immediate end to this repressive campaign. The future of Bangladesh’s democracy hangs in the balance. If the legal profession is silenced, if the rule of law is further eroded, the very foundations of the nation’s democracy will crumble.

The time to act is now. The legal community, civil society, and the international community must rise together to defend justice, human rights, and democracy in Bangladesh before it is too late.

Advocate Shahanur Islam is a Bangladeshi Human Rights Lawyer and Laureate 2023 of the French Marianne Initiative for Human Rights Defenders. Currently, he is working as the Founder President of JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF).

Featured Image is AI-Generated.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

S M Faiyaz Hossain

Cultural and religious minorities in Bangladesh are also suffering due to rising extremism.

The New York Times published a report titled “As Bangladesh Reinvents Itself, Islamist Hard-Liners See an Opening,” detailing the rise of Islamist extremism in Bangladesh during political changes. The report discusses how religious extremists are taking advantage after the removal of former leader Sheikh Hasina. 

It highlights incidents like bans on women’s soccer and public harassment of women who do not follow conservative dress codes. 

There have been rallies demanding the death penalty for actions seen as blasphemy. The report notes that some Islamist groups, including previously banned ones, are pushing for stricter religious rules in the government. 

Officials are working on a new constitution that might change secularism to pluralism. This shift is causing concern over weakening democratic values and increasing risks for women and minorities.

Bangladesh used to be known for its secular roots and cultural diversity, but in recent years, extremist ideas have been resurfacing. Although this isn’t an entirely new foundation, it has become more noticeable and concerning since 5^th of August 2024.

Extremists are attacking secular bloggers and targeting women’s sports and cultural events. Their goal is to impose strict religious views or a political caliphate on a society that values diversity. This rise in extremist actions is worrying because it threatens freedoms, especially those of women and minorities, and poses a danger to the country’s democratic setup. 

A particularly troubling aspect is the attack on women’s rights to participate in public life. For example, some women’s football matches had to be cancelled because of threats from extremist groups. This shows how these groups are trying to take over spaces that were once empowering for women. Sports provide young women with opportunities to move up socially and gain international recognition, but these are now under threat. 

Such actions not only limit their dreams but also send a negative message about the shrinking space for women in public and professional life. It reflects a broader aim to suppress women’s rights under the guise of religious morality, harming the progress made in gender equality over the years.

Lifting bans on Islamist political parties like Jamat-e-Islami and freeing extremists like Mufti Jashimuddin Rahmani known as the Anwar Al Awlaki of Bangladesh, give these groups more confidence. While the interim government might claim these actions are part of a broader peace strategy, they risk legitimizing extremist ideas and giving them a platform to grow. 

Inadequate systems to monitor released extremists make the situation worse, providing spaces for radical elements to regroup and plan for something like the meticulously planned October 7^th Attack orchestrated by Hamas. 

Meanwhile, a banned organization like Notorious Hizbut Tahrir openly propagated their influence and participation in Anti-Quota protest which for them was a tactical Jihad to oust the exiled Government and get a step ahead for their future plan of implementing a Caliphate. 

This political leniency by Interim Government weakens public trust in governance and helps extremist narratives spread, they have made few arrests while the extremist leaders are free and that questions if arresting the activists while ignoring the leadership is a soft ploy to leverage a tactical narrative. 

Cultural and religious minorities in Bangladesh are also suffering due to rising extremism. Attacks on Sufi shrines and other minority religious sites highlight an increase in intolerance. These aren’t isolated events but part of a plan to make all of Bangladeshi society conform to strict ideological rules. 

Targeting cultural figures, authors, and artists underlines this trend, aiming to silence voices of dissent and alternative perspectives. Such actions threaten Bangladesh’s rich culture, traditionally a mix of diverse influences. We must also consider socio-economic factors driving this phenomenon.

Poverty, unemployment, and lack of access to education create conditions where extremist views can take root. Young people, especially those from marginalized backgrounds, often join these movements seeking a sense of identity, purpose, or community. 

Extremist groups exploit these vulnerabilities using targeted propaganda and recruitment strategies, often through social media. Addressing these foundational issues requires comprehensive policies that promote inclusive development and foster social unity. 

Political Researcher and former Pentagon Official Michael Rubin, in a US Congressional briefing highlighted the growing concern of Radicalization in Bangladesh and opinionated an article ‘Is Bangladesh the Next Afghanistan’. 

Rubin is worried about how Noble Laurate Yunus is leading because it seems less tolerant than people expected. This is particularly true about how the government handles freedom of the press and different political views. 

Yunus is famous around the world for his work in microfinance, which helps poor people with small loans. He took charge of the interim government after Sheikh Hasina was removed from power. 

At first, many welcomed Yunus because they thought he would be different from Hasina, who was seen as too controlling. But Rubin thinks Yunus’s government is letting strict Islamist groups have too much power and is stopping people from speaking freely, which could hurt democracy. 

Rubin is especially concerned about the freedom of the press under Yunus’s rule. Some journalists, like Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed, have reportedly been brutally jailed on vague and ambiguous murder charges, raising fears about free speech in Bangladesh.

Over 1,000 journalists seen as “too secular” have reportedly been fired, showing a lack of tolerance for different opinions. Rubin also mentions problems faced by Julfikar Ali Manik, who reports on Islamist groups, and former Member of Parliament Fazle Karim Chowdhury, who works to protect minority rights. 

These issues suggest that Yunus’s temporary government might not be supporting the diversity and human rights that are important for democracy.

Increasingly, people are showing public support for Hamas, which is a growing concern. This support is visible in rallies and in the way some individuals dress to symbolize the group. 

Bangladesh, for many years, has had a clear stance against Israel. It has consistently supported Palestine through diplomatic efforts and has officially recognized only the Fatah-led government based in the West Bank. However, there is a noticeable rise in grassroots support for Hamas, especially in the wake of the ongoing Israel-Gaza conflict. 

In this situation, extremists have spoken out against American interests in Bangladesh. Recently, some Islamists verbally called for aggressive protests in the U.S. Embassy in Dhaka. Along with Anti-India rhetoric, hatred for Trump’s America and Israel are seen. 

These tensions are fuelled by foreign policy support for Israel. The Interim Government was supposed to carry forward a Peaceful transition towards Democratic Election, while the reality looks, they have political interests to gain in the name of ‘reform’. 

Serving the interests, they are currently capitalizing on Islamists for majority support while being harsh and harsher on Secularists, Awami league activists, minorities and anyone associated with the 1971 Liberation war as tweeted by Lemkin Institute of Genocidal Prevention with multiple red flags. 

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Minister of Minority Affairs, Kiren Rijiju introduced the bill rooted with history, practicality, and the realities faced by Pasmanda community.

On April 2, 2025, the Lok Sabha bore witness to a remarkable display of democratic resilience and legislative fortitude as the Government of India successfully passed the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, after a marathon 12-hour debate. This historic achievement is not merely a legislative victory but a testament to the strength of India’s democratic institutions, the meticulous process undertaken by the government, and the unwavering unity of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

The journey of the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, has been one of deliberation and inclusivity. Recognizing the complexity and sensitivity of the issue, the government wisely referred the bill to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) for thorough scrutiny. The JPC, chaired by Shri Jagdambika Pal and comprising members from across the political spectrum, conducted extensive consultations, gathering inputs from stakeholders, experts, and civil society. Even the All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaaz had the opportunity to present its suggestions and objections.

This process ensured that the legislation was not rushed but refined through a rigorous examination, addressing concerns while strengthening its framework. The successful passage of the bill in the Lok Sabha—by a decisive margin of 288 votes in favor to 232 against—reflects the confidence that the NDA coalition reposed in the government’s vision and the robustness of the JPC’s efforts. The debate was marked by intense exchanges, with the government defending the bill as a measure to improve Waqf property management, while the opposition criticized it as unconstitutional and anti-minority.

Minister of Minority Affairs, Kiren Rijiju introduced the bill rooted with history, practicality, and the realities faced by Pasmanda community. Waqf properties were originally meant for the welfare of the underprivileged, yet they have rarely served their intended purpose. Instead, over the years, they have become a playground for politicians, Waqf Board officials, and Mutawallis (caretakers), who have manipulated these assets for personal gains. The rampant corruption and mismanagement of Waqf properties have led the government to intervene and introduce amendments.

While many Muslim leaders and organizations are vehemently opposing the bill, All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaaz considered it essential to acknowledge the dire need for reforms. Waqf properties hold vast potential to uplift marginalized Muslim communities, particularly the Pasmanda Muslims, who form the majority but have historicaly been neglected. Unfortunately, these properties have been plagued by corruption, illegal encroachments, and poor administration. AIPMM actively participated in the JPC meetings on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, offering a series of constructive suggestions to enhance the legislation. The Ministry of Minority Affairs, recognizing the merit of AIPMM’s inputs, accepted several key recommendations, reflecting a commitment to inclusivity and efficiency in Waqf management.

These include the introduction of a “Waqf by User” provision to safeguard existing Waqf properties, the establishment of an appellate system within Waqf Tribunals to ensure fair dispute resolution, and measures for the efficient management and maintenance of Waqf records to promote transparency. Additionally, the ministry embraced AIPMM’s call for regular audits of revenue from rent, lease, and sub-lease to curb financial mismanagement, alongside the inclusion of Pasmanda Muslims and women in the management of Waqf Boards, ensuring diverse representation and addressing long-standing demands for equity within the community. This collaboration between AIPMM and the government underscores a progressive step toward reforming Waqf administration in India.

The Opposition’s Rhetoric and Fear-Mongering

One of the biggest issues with the current discourse surrounding the bill is the irresponsible approach of the opposition and certain Muslim organizations. Instead of constructively engaging with the government to suggest practical improvements, they are using the bill as a tool to incite fear and insecurity among common Muslims.

The rhetoric surrounding the bill is focused more on accusing the government of anti-Muslim motives rather than addressing the real issues plaguing Waqf institutions. If these organizations had properly managed the Waqf system over the years, there would have been no need for government intervention in the first place.

By spreading propaganda and half-truths, these groups are attempting to politically mobilize Muslims rather than ensuring genuine reforms. Pasmanda Muslims, who have historically been denied the benefits of Waqf, must not fall prey to these misleading narratives. Instead, we must demand concrete improvements that will truly help our community.

The blind opposition by certain Muslim leaders will only serve political interests rather than benefiting the community. It is time for Pasmanda Muslims to take charge of the narrative and demand reforms that genuinely serve the underprivileged.

Pasmanda Muslims, who have been historically sidelined, must not allow themselves to be used as pawns in political battles. Instead, we should advocate for meaningful reforms, ensuring that Waqf properties are managed efficiently, transparently, and justly. This is a crucial opportunity to hold the system accountable and demand a fair share of Waqf benefits for the most disadvantaged members of our community.

The opposition and certain Muslim organizations must also reflect on their own failures in managing Waqf properties before blaming the government. Instead of spreading fear and misinformation, they should work towards ensuring better governance and accountability within the Waqf system.

During the marathon debate on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, in the Lok Sabha on April 2, 2025, Indian Union Home Minister Amit Shah delivered a masterful performance that left the opposition reeling. Armed with a barrage of facts, statistics, and a clear articulation of the bill’s intent, Shah dismantled the opposition’s arguments, rendering them speechless. He meticulously schooled them on the purpose and proper utilization of Waqf properties, emphasizing the need for transparency and accountability—principles the bill seeks to enshrine. Shah’s commanding presence turned the tide of the debate, exposing the opposition’s rhetoric as hollow in the face of evidence.

BJP MP Ravi Shankar Prasad reinforced the government’s stance, asserting that including women and Pasmanda Muslims in the management of Waqf Boards is not just a reform but a constitutional right, amplifying the bill’s progressive ethos. The opposition, despite its fervor, found itself silenced, unable to counter the government’s robust case. AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi attempted to score theoretical points, raising some valid concerns, but his credibility was undermined by allegations that he and his party have encroached upon 80% of Waqf properties in Hyderabad and Telangana.

As the Urdu proverb goes, “Chor ki daadhi mein tinka”—the thief’s beard betrays a straw—Owaisi’s critique rang hollow, overshadowed by his own questionable record. The debate, thus, emerged as a triumph for the government’s clarity and resolve.

However, the true success of these amendments hinges on their effective implementation, which we anticipate will yield positive outcomes for all stakeholders. For Pasmanda Muslims, in particular, embracing a balanced approach—supporting these reforms while actively participating in their execution—will be crucial to ensuring their upliftment. This historic moment offers hope for a more equitable future, provided the spirit of the law translates into tangible progress on the ground.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.