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	<title>Kurdistan &#8211; The Milli Chronicle</title>
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		<title>Seeds of Jihad: How Colonial Britain Created Radical Islamism</title>
		<link>https://www.millichronicle.com/2025/05/seeds-of-jihad-how-colonial-britain-created-radical-islamism.html</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Omer Waziri]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 05 May 2025 19:18:30 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[Islamist terrorism did not rise in a vacuum. It was engineered, cultivated, and weaponized—first by colonial powers, then by Cold]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wp-block-post-author"><div class="wp-block-post-author__avatar"><img alt='' src='https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/08a21201948b2f1f414085441e07ed04?s=48&#038;d=mm&#038;r=g' srcset='https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/08a21201948b2f1f414085441e07ed04?s=96&#038;d=mm&#038;r=g 2x' class='avatar avatar-48 photo' height='48' width='48' loading='lazy' decoding='async'/></div><div class="wp-block-post-author__content"><p class="wp-block-post-author__name">Omer Waziri</p></div></div>


<blockquote class="wp-block-quote">
<p>Islamist terrorism did not rise in a vacuum. It was engineered, cultivated, and weaponized—first by colonial powers, then by Cold War strategists, and now by regional regimes.</p>
</blockquote>



<p>In the aftermath of European colonialism, the world has seen many upheavals—but few have been as globally disruptive and persistently violent as the rise of Islamist terrorism. It is one of the darkest legacies of the colonial era, ironically shaped and sharpened by the very empires it now claims to oppose. Today, it stands as a transnational threat, claiming lives from Karachi to Kuala Lumpur, and from Tel Aviv to London.</p>



<p>The data tells a haunting story. Since 1979—the year of the Shia Islamic Revolution in Iran—there have been more than 49,000 Islamist terror attacks worldwide, resulting in over 220,000 deaths. But what is often overlooked is the fact that 89.5% of these attacks occurred in Muslim-majority countries, with the vast majority of victims being Muslims themselves. Even the holiest of sites, such as Mecca, have not been spared. The carnage is indiscriminate, and the ideology behind it is far more complex than simplistic narratives often suggest.</p>



<p>Islamist groups would have the world believe that their violence is a response to foreign occupation or injustice. Yet the overwhelming facts betray that narrative. Most Islamist terrorism does not take place in occupied territories but in nations where Muslims are the majority. This disproportionality demands a deeper, more historically rooted investigation into how this ideology emerged and why it continues to thrive.</p>



<p><strong>The Colonial Incubator of Political Islam</strong></p>



<p>To understand the modern-day menace of Islamist terrorism, we must go back to the time of European imperialism—particularly British colonial rule. Colonizers, determined to suppress nationalist uprisings and maintain control over their dominions, employed a classic divide-and-rule strategy. In this context, religious identity became a tool of political manipulation.</p>



<p>Extremist elements were co-opted and even fostered by colonial administrators to counter secular, anti-colonial movements. It is no coincidence that key Islamist movements—such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Jamaat-e-Islami in India—were born during this time. These Islamist movements did not rise organically from within their societies as spiritual or theological reforms; rather, they were often sponsored or tolerated by colonial regimes as buffers against resistance.</p>



<p>Figures like Sir Syed Ahmed, who promoted the divisive “two-nation theory” in British India, and Sir Agha Khan, who founded the Muslim League, played pivotal roles in politicizing Islam. Their ideas—encouraged, amplified, or at least facilitated by the British—ultimately contributed to the partition of India and laid the groundwork for modern political Islam. This ideological framework would later become fertile ground for the rise of violent jihadist movements.</p>



<p>From West Africa to Southeast Asia, similar patterns emerged: colonial authorities empowering Islamist elements for short-term control, only to leave behind long-term instability.</p>



<p><strong>Cold War Complicity and the Rise of Armed Jihad</strong></p>



<p>The Cold War did not reverse this legacy—it accelerated it. In Afghanistan, for example, the United States and its allies, including Pakistan, armed and trained Islamist fighters to push back against Soviet expansion. The result was the creation of well-equipped and ideologically radicalized groups such as the Taliban and Al-Qaeda.</p>



<p>What was once political Islam turned into militant jihadism. The West had, once again, fed the very forces it would later call its enemies.</p>



<p><strong>The Twin Threats: State-Sponsored and Non-State Jihadism</strong></p>



<p>In the modern context, Islamist terrorism operates under two primary umbrellas: non-state actors and state-sponsored networks.</p>



<p>Non-state actors are dispersed, often embedded within societies, waiting for ideological or operational cues. Their roots trace back to political Islamist thought developed during colonialism, shaped further by theological radicalism and geopolitical grievances. Their dream of a global caliphate transcends borders, and they are often motivated not by poverty or lack of opportunity—but by ideology. No amount of economic aid or deradicalization programs alone can address this; it requires ideological confrontation led by credible scholars and religious authorities.</p>



<p>On the other hand, state-sponsored Islamist terrorism is far more organized—and dangerous. Here, nation-states actively fund, shelter, or enable terrorist proxies to project power or destabilize rivals. Iran, since the 1979 revolution, stands out as the most prolific actor. From supporting Hezbollah in Lebanon to Hamas in Gaza, and from Houthi insurgents in Yemen to Shia militias in Iraq and Syria, Iran’s fingerprints are evident across some of the most devastating conflicts in the Middle East.</p>



<p>Turkey and Qatar, despite being close Western allies, also play significant roles. Both states have financially supported Islamist groups—including the Muslim Brotherhood and others—across North Africa and the Levant. Media outlets like TRT (Turkey) and Al Jazeera (Qatar) have become soft-power instruments, often amplifying Islamist narratives under the guise of journalistic independence.</p>



<p>Then there is Pakistan—arguably the most paradoxical player. Created as a result of colonial partition, Pakistan has, since its inception, used Islamist militancy as statecraft. Its long-standing doctrine of “Bleed India with a Thousand Cuts” has led to decades of cross-border terrorism. From Kashmir to Punjab, from Naxalite regions to the Northeast, India has faced relentless proxy warfare orchestrated from across the border.</p>



<p>Unlike Iran, Pakistan has largely escaped Western censure or sanctions, remaining a “major non-NATO ally” and benefiting from strategic utility. Whether during the Afghan jihad against the Soviets or the post-9/11 conflict, Pakistan’s duplicity has been tolerated, if not rewarded.</p>



<p>A recent example was the attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir, where 26 innocent civilians were killed by Pakistan-sponsored Islamist militants. It is part of a consistent pattern—not an anomaly.</p>



<p><strong>Solutions Begin with Truth and Courage</strong></p>



<p>Combating Islamist terrorism requires more than drones, security checkpoints, or surveillance. It demands truth—about its origins, its enablers, and its geopolitical underpinnings.</p>



<p>The first step must involve addressing state actors that perpetuate terrorism under ideological or strategic pretexts. In this context, resolving the “Pakistan-Iran-Turkey” triad is essential. And one of the most viable ways to do this is by supporting the self-determination of oppressed peoples within those states.</p>



<p>The liberation of <strong>Balochistan</strong> (currently divided between Pakistan and Iran) and <strong>Kurdistan</strong> (spanning parts of Iran, Turkey, Iraq, and Syria) is not just a moral imperative—it could be a strategic game-changer. Empowering these freedom movements would strike at the very heart of the Islamist-terror ecosystem and weaken the foundations upon which these regimes rely.</p>



<p><strong>Time for a Reckoning—and a Response</strong></p>



<p>India, Israel, and democratic states across the world must come together, not just to condemn terrorism, but to confront its root causes and supporters. The West, too, has an opportunity—a responsibility—to correct the historical wrongs of colonialism. This means no longer appeasing authoritarian allies who feed Islamist extremism for their own ends.</p>



<p>Islamist terrorism did not rise in a vacuum. It was engineered, cultivated, and weaponized—first by colonial powers, then by Cold War strategists, and now by regional regimes. To dismantle it, we must stop treating the symptoms and start confronting the disease.</p>



<p>And that means standing with those who fight for freedom—not those who hide behind religion to suppress it.</p>



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		<title>Iraqi MPs to meet in new bid to elect president, end deadlock</title>
		<link>https://www.millichronicle.com/2022/10/iraqi-mps-to-meet-in-new-bid-to-elect-president-end-deadlock.html</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Millichronicle]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2022 16:40:08 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[Baghdad (AFP) — Lawmakers in crisis-hit Iraq are set to meet Thursday for their fourth attempt this year to elect]]></description>
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<p><strong>Baghdad (AFP) —</strong> Lawmakers in crisis-hit Iraq are set to meet Thursday for their fourth attempt this year to elect a new state president and break political gridlock that has sparked protests and deadly violence.</p>
<div>
<p>Over a year since its last general elections, Iraq is yet to form a new government to tackle the problems facing the oil-rich country plagued by unemployment, decaying infrastructure and corruption.</p>
<p>This week the United Nations mission warned that &#8220;the protracted crisis is breeding further instability&#8221; in the war-scarred country, and that the divisive politics are &#8220;generating bitter public disillusion&#8221;.</p>
<p>Parliament is due to convene from 11:00 am (0800 GMT) in Baghdad&#8217;s Green Zone, the capital&#8217;s fortified government and diplomatic district that was recently the site of large protest camps set up by rival factions.</p>
<p>If MPs elect a new president, a post now held by Barham Saleh, the new head of state would be expected to quickly nominate a prime minister who would seek to form a government to replace caretaker premier Mustafa al-Kadhemi.</p>
<p>Security was tight on Thursday, with police checkpoints and two bridges in Baghdad closed, creating traffic jams.</p>
<p>Lawmakers made three previous attempts to elect a new head of state, in February and March, but failed to even reach the required two-thirds threshold &#8212; 220 out of 329 lawmakers &#8212; for a quorum.</p>
<p>Two small opposition parties, totalling 15 MPs, have said they will boycott the vote Thursday.</p>
<p>Democratic institutions built in Iraq since the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled dictator Saddam Hussein remain fragile, and neighbouring Iran wields major influence.</p>
<p>For the past year, Iraq has not only been without a new government, but also without a state budget, locking up billions in oil revenues and obstructing much-needed reforms and infrastructure projects.</p>
<p>Under Iraq&#8217;s power-sharing system, meant to avoid sectarian conflict, the state president by convention is Kurdish, its prime minister is a Shiite Muslim and the parliament speaker a Sunni.</p>
<p><strong>30 candidates, three frontrunners</strong></p>
<p>Iraq&#8217;s rival Shiite Muslim political factions have been vying for influence and the right to select a new premier and form a government.</p>
<p>On one hand is the fiery cleric Moqtada Sadr, who wants parliament dissolved and new elections.</p>
<p>On the other sits the Coordination Framework &#8212; an alliance of pro-Iran Shiite factions, including the former paramilitary Hashed al-Shaabi &#8212; that wants a new government before fresh elections are held.</p>
<p>The standoff has seen both sides set up protest camps in recent months. Tensions boiled over on August 29 when more than 30 Sadr supporters were killed in battles between Iran-backed factions and the army.</p>
<p>It remains to be seen how Sadr will react: on Thursday, he posted a message on Twitter merely encouraging children on the start of the school year.</p>
<p>The largely honorific post of Iraqi president generally goes to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), while the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) keeps control over the affairs of autonomous Kurdistan in northern Iraq.</p>
<p>However, the KDP is also eyeing the presidency and could present its own candidate.</p>
<p>&#8220;It is still not clear that the Kurdish parties have come to an agreement on a president,&#8221; said Hamzeh Hadad, a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations think tank.</p>
<p>Among the 30 candidates, top contenders include the incumbent, Saleh of the PUK, aged 61, and current Kurdistan Interior Minister Rebar Ahmed of the KDP, aged 54.</p>
<p>Abdel Latif Rashid, 78, a former water resources minister and PUK leader, is running as an independent.</p>
<p>Next step, new PM</p>
<p>Once elected, the president will nominate a prime minister who needs the backing of the largest bloc in parliament and who then begins arduous negotiations to choose a cabinet.</p>
<p>&#8220;What is expected is that whoever is chosen will designate a prime minister right away to form a government,&#8221; said Hadad.</p>
<p>Key runners for prime minister include the Coordination Framework&#8217;s candidate, former minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, 52.</p>
<p>Hadad believes Sudani is the most likely to be premier, but noted that &#8220;anything can change in Iraqi politics till the last minute&#8221;.</p>
<p>The pro-Iran Coordination Framework draws together the Fatah alliance and lawmakers from the party of Sadr&#8217;s longtime foe, former prime minister Nuri al-Maliki.</p>
<p>When Sudani was proposed in July, it sparked mass protests by outraged Sadr supporters, who breached the Green Zone and stormed parliament.</p>
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