Supporters of the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), a movement calling for economic and governance reforms, have continued protests despite being banned under anti-terrorism laws last week.
Officials initially reported seven deaths on Monday, including three civilians and four police officers, with dozens of people wounded. The latest count showed the number of fatalities had increased to 20.

Local government higher education minister Malik Zafar told AFP that clashes in his constituency of Kotli had resulted in seven deaths during the week.
Commissioner Sardar Waheed, the senior civilian official in Rawalakot, said 12 people had been killed, including four police officers.

A senior police official in Mirpur, Khurram Iqbal, said one protester died during clashes with police on Wednesday.

Several shops in Muzaffarabad have remained closed as businesses joined calls for a strike in support of the JAAC, while mobile internet services have been largely unavailable, according to an AFP journalist in the area.
JAAC members have rejected the designation of the group as a terrorist organisation, describing the move as suppression and saying their protests are aimed at securing economic and political rights.

The latest unrest follows violent clashes in the Himalayan region in September, when nine people were confirmed killed during protests led by the JAAC.

Kashmir is claimed in full by both India and Pakistan but has been divided between the two countries since the end of British rule. The territory remains highly sensitive, with decades of tensions and conflicts between the two nuclear-armed neighbours.

The shutdown affected major urban centers, including the regional capital Muzaffarabad, where residents reported largely deserted markets, closed shops and inactive transport hubs. Similar conditions were reported in other towns across the territory.The strike followed violent confrontations on Sunday in the city of Rawalakot between JAAC supporters and security personnel.

According to authorities, seven people were killed in the unrest, marking one of the deadliest episodes of political violence in the region in recent years.The clashes erupted after the Supreme Court of Pakistan-administered Kashmir ruled that 12 legislative seats reserved for Kashmiri refugees residing in Pakistan are constitutionally protected and cannot be abolished without a formal constitutional amendment.

The JAAC, an alliance established in 2003, has campaigned for expanded political rights for residents of the territory and has long demanded the elimination of the refugee seats. The group argues that the arrangement grants disproportionate political influence to individuals who do not live within the territory.

Residents told local media that public participation in Tuesday’s strike was difficult to assess, with some people appearing to support the shutdown while others remained indoors due to concerns over potential violence.Prior to Sunday’s clashes, the JAAC had announced plans for a strike and a long march from Rawalakot to Muzaffarabad.

Witnesses said thousands of supporters gathered in the eastern city of Mirpur on Tuesday in preparation for the planned mobilization.Authorities responded by deploying additional police and security personnel throughout the region.

Internet services were also suspended in several major cities in an effort to limit mobilization and prevent further unrest.Police and regional government officials accused armed JAAC supporters of opening fire on security forces during Sunday’s violence. The organization has not publicly responded to those allegations in the information provided.

The regional government formally banned the JAAC last week, citing concerns over public order and security. Dozens of supporters have since been detained as part of the crackdown.Regional Prime Minister Faisal Mumtaz Rathore said his administration remains willing to engage in dialogue with representatives of the movement.

He stated that most of the group’s demands had been addressed during negotiations held last year, with the exception of issues relating to refugee seats and certain benefits provided to government officials and ministers.According to Rathore, those unresolved matters require legislative action because of constitutional limitations.

The refugee seats are allocated to individuals and families who migrated to Pakistan from Indian-administered Kashmir following decades of conflict over the disputed Himalayan territory. The arrangement was designed to provide representation for displaced communities affected by the region’s long-running political dispute.

Kashmir remains divided between Pakistan and India, both of which claim the territory in full. The dispute has been a central source of tension between the two nuclear-armed neighbors since their independence in 1947 and has led to multiple wars and recurring periods of instability.

Political tensions in Pakistan-administered Kashmir have intensified ahead of elections scheduled for next month, with debate over refugee representation emerging as a major issue following the recent court ruling and subsequent unrest.

The violence erupted after supporters of the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), a movement advocating economic and governance reforms, pressed ahead with planned demonstrations despite being outlawed by authorities under anti-terrorism legislation.

Sardar Waheed, the top civilian official in Rawalakot, said three civilians were killed and about 40 others wounded during the clashes.

Police said four officers were also killed and 23 injured, bringing the overall death toll to seven.

Authorities moved against the organization over the weekend, sealing its central office and imposing restrictions on large public gatherings in Muzaffarabad, the largest city in Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

Police confirmed that more than 70 JAAC members were arrested during operations carried out ahead of the planned protests.

Despite fears of wider unrest, markets in Muzaffarabad reopened on Monday under a heavy security presence. Residents had earlier rushed to stockpile supplies amid concerns that demonstrations and possible shutdowns would disrupt daily life.

JAAC leaders rejected the government’s decision to classify the group as a terrorist organization, describing the move as political repression and insisting their campaign is focused on legitimate demands for economic relief, political accountability and governance reforms.

The latest confrontation follows a similar wave of unrest in September, when protests led by the group triggered days of clashes that left nine people dead.

Pakistan-administered Kashmir has witnessed periodic demonstrations in recent years over inflation, electricity costs, governance issues and demands for greater political representation.

The Himalayan region of Kashmir remains one of South Asia’s most sensitive territorial disputes. Both India and Pakistan claim the region in full but administer separate portions following their partition and independence from British rule in 1947.

Pakistan Foreign Ministry spokesperson Tahir Andrabi told a press briefing in Islamabad that the projects demonstrated an effort by New Delhi to use water resources as a strategic tool, warning that any move endangering Pakistan’s water security would be met with measures to protect national interests.

“These projects confirm that India seems to weaponize water,” Andrabi said, adding that the initiatives carried serious implications for Pakistan’s economy, regional peace and international security.

The dispute centers on two Indian projects linked to the Chenab River, one of the western rivers allocated to Pakistan under the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty. Islamabad says India failed to consult Pakistan before proceeding with the developments.

In May, India’s state-owned National Hydroelectric Power Corporation issued a tender for a proposed tunnel project designed to transfer water from the Chenab River to the Beas basin. Earlier this year, India’s power ministry also announced sediment-removal work at the Salal Power Station on the Chenab, stating that the activity followed New Delhi’s suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty.

India maintains that it is acting within its rights regarding waters under its control. New Delhi has also insisted that its decision to place the treaty in abeyance remains effective despite objections from Pakistan.

The water-sharing agreement, brokered in 1960, has long been regarded as one of the few enduring frameworks of cooperation between the two rivals, surviving multiple wars and periods of severe political tension.

Pakistan argues that the treaty remains legally binding and has repeatedly rejected India’s suspension of the accord. Andrabi said there was no provision allowing either country to unilaterally withdraw from the agreement.

“Any illegal measure to endanger Pakistan’s water, food and economic security as well as the survival and wellbeing of its 250 million people is unacceptable,” he said.

He added that Pakistan would retain all available options to safeguard its rights under the treaty, though he did not specify what actions Islamabad might pursue.

The disagreement has intensified since India suspended its participation in the treaty following an April 2025 attack on tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir. New Delhi blamed Islamabad for supporting the attack, an allegation Pakistan denied.

The diplomatic fallout contributed to a sharp military escalation in May 2025, when the two countries exchanged drone, missile and artillery fire, leaving nearly 70 people dead on both sides.

The treaty dispute has also reached international arbitration. Pakistan welcomed a May 15 ruling by a Hague-based arbitration body that it said reinforced the treaty’s continued validity. India rejected the decision, describing the tribunal as illegally constituted and reiterating that its suspension of the agreement remained in force.

Analysts have increasingly warned that water management could become a major source of friction in South Asia as climate change, population growth and agricultural demand place mounting pressure on shared river systems.

On a recent afternoon outside a library in Kashmir, a brief exchange between a student preparing for one of India’s most competitive examinations and three migrant balloon sellers from Rajasthan offered a quiet illustration of the economic realities that continue to drive internal migration across the country.

The scene unfolded near the library entrance, where three young men sat beside a cluster of balloons they were attempting to sell. Their presence was not unusual. Seasonal and temporary migration from economically vulnerable regions to other parts of India remains a common livelihood strategy for thousands of families seeking work opportunities unavailable in their home districts.

Among those leaving the library that day was Fawad, a student preparing for the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET), the entrance examination for medical education in India. According to witnesses present at the scene, Fawad paused after noticing the three balloon sellers and began speaking with them.

The conversation initially appeared routine. Fawad asked the young men where they had come from and how long they had been in Kashmir. The sellers responded that they had travelled from Rajasthan in search of income opportunities. They described economic hardship, limited resources and difficult living conditions as factors that had pushed them to leave home and seek work elsewhere.

The interaction drew attention because Fawad showed interest in their circumstances beyond a simple commercial transaction. Although he had no apparent need for balloons, he asked to purchase three of them. Witnesses said he paid more than the asking price and encouraged the young men to use the additional money to buy food.

From a purely financial perspective, the amount involved was modest. Yet the exchange highlighted a larger question about how individuals respond to visible signs of economic vulnerability in public spaces.

After the sellers left, an observer who had watched the interaction asked Fawad why he felt compelled to help strangers he did not know.His response was measured rather than sentimental.

“I am relatively well off,” he said. “I can skip one meal. They struggle for every meal. The matter is not always hunger.”

The remark shifted the discussion away from charity alone and toward a broader consideration of economic insecurity. For many informal workers, particularly migrants engaged in street vending and seasonal employment, the challenge extends beyond immediate food needs. Income uncertainty affects access to shelter, healthcare, education and social mobility. Small disruptions in earnings can have disproportionate consequences.

India’s internal migration patterns have long reflected these realities. Workers frequently move across states in search of seasonal employment in construction, agriculture, tourism, retail trade and informal services. Street vending, including the sale of balloons, toys and other low-cost items, often requires little capital investment but offers highly unpredictable earnings.

Daily income can depend on weather conditions, tourist activity, local demand and competition.The encounter in Kashmir illustrated these dynamics at an individual level. The three balloon sellers were not engaged in a formal employment arrangement. Their livelihood depended on persuading passers-by to purchase inexpensive products, making every interaction a potential source of income.

The image of brightly coloured balloons against the backdrop of economic hardship also carries a symbolic dimension that has long appeared in South Asian literature and poetry.

Balloons are often associated with celebration, childhood and temporary joy.

Yet their existence is inherently fragile, lasting only as long as the air within them remains contained.

That contrast finds resonance in a famous couplet by the eighteenth-century Urdu poet Mir Taqi Mir:

“Hasti apni hubab ki si hai,

Ye numaish saraab ki si hai.”

A commonly accepted English rendering is:

“Our existence is like a bubble;This spectacle of life is like a mirage.”

The couplet reflects Mir’s recurring meditation on impermanence. A bubble appears briefly before disappearing. A mirage seems real from a distance but vanishes upon closer examination. Together, the images suggest the transient nature of worldly status, possessions and human circumstances.

Viewed through that lens, the encounter between the student and the balloon sellers acquires a wider significance. The balloons themselves become a metaphor for lives shaped by uncertainty. Economic security, educational opportunity and social standing often appear stable, yet they can be fragile and unevenly distributed.

Fawad’s decision to buy three balloons did not alter the structural conditions that had brought the sellers from Rajasthan to Kashmir. Nor did it address the broader economic factors influencing migration and informal labour. What it did reveal was an awareness of the asymmetry between those who can absorb temporary hardship and those whose daily survival depends on continuous earnings.

The transaction lasted only a few minutes. The balloons changed hands, a small amount of money was exchanged, and the sellers continued on their route. Yet the conversation that accompanied the purchase left a stronger impression than the sale itself.

In public discussions about poverty, attention often focuses on statistics, government programmes and economic indicators. Those measures remain essential for understanding the scale of deprivation. At the same time, individual encounters continue to shape how people perceive inequality in everyday life.

Outside the library that day, three migrant balloon sellers were attempting to earn a living far from home. A student preparing for a future in medicine paused long enough to ask where they had come from and why.

The answers were simple: poverty, migration and the search for opportunity. The response was equally simple: the purchase of three balloons and a recognition that need is not measured solely by hunger, but also by the human desire to be seen.

At 45, a Kashmiri homemaker who spent more than two decades raising three children says motherhood reshaped every aspect of her life, from personal ambition to daily survival, reflecting the largely undocumented experiences of women who sustained households through economic hardship and political unrest in the region.

Speaking during an interview conducted on International Mother’s Day, she described a life marked by early marriage, domestic responsibility and long-term sacrifice. Married at the age of 19, she said she had been employed at an endowment institution before her marriage, but was later unable to continue working after entering her husband’s household.

Her account illustrates the social realities faced by many women in conservative and rural communities across Jammu and Kashmir during the 1990s and early 2000s, where marriage often ended formal employment opportunities for women despite educational qualifications or work experience.

“I was young when I got married,” she said. “After marriage, my responsibilities changed completely.”

According to her account, the family lived in conditions of financial hardship during the early years of marriage. She worked alongside extended family members in agricultural fields while simultaneously caring for her first child. She recalled carrying the infant with her while working outdoors, relying on assistance from female relatives during long working hours.

The woman said motherhood altered her emotional priorities soon after the birth of her first child. “My love shifted from my family toward my first child,” she said, describing motherhood as a transition that demanded constant emotional and physical commitment.

Her eldest child, who conducted the interview, described her as the “cornerstone” of the family and credited her with sustaining household stability despite economic limitations. The family marks 24 years since she became a mother.

Throughout those years, she remained a full-time homemaker, managing domestic responsibilities that included childcare, cooking, maintaining the household and supporting her husband’s work schedule. The family home eventually expanded into a 10-room residence, which she continues to maintain largely on her own, according to the interview.

Despite never returning to formal employment, she continued informal educational engagement within the household. Fluent in Urdu, she regularly read Urdu moral literature and narrated stories to her children, using them as a tool for discipline and moral instruction.

Her children said those stories became central to their upbringing and helped shape their understanding of behaviour, honesty and family responsibility. “She taught us good habits through stories,” her child said during the interview.One memory recalled during the conversation involved a school morning when a child had forgotten to polish shoes before leaving home.

According to the account, she cleaned the shoes herself using her scarf so the child could attend school properly dressed.The episode, though minor, was presented by family members as representative of the routine, largely invisible labour performed by mothers within households.

Across South Asia, domestic work performed by women remains economically unrecognised despite contributing substantially to household functioning and caregiving structures, according to multiple studies by development agencies and labour economists.

In Kashmir, women have historically played dual roles in both domestic and agricultural sectors, particularly in rural districts where families depended on subsistence farming and seasonal labour. The woman interviewed said she frequently balanced field work with domestic responsibilities during the family’s most financially difficult years.

She also linked her experience of motherhood to the wider political instability in Kashmir. Having lived through decades of unrest in the region, she said she deliberately chose neutrality and restraint while focusing on protecting her household from the psychological strain of conflict.

“Being calm was important,” she said. “There was already enough unrest outside.”

The family described her approach as disciplined and emotionally controlled, even during periods of stress. Her child said she learned over time “to fight, not flight,” a phrase used to describe her ability to endure personal difficulties without withdrawing from family responsibilities.

Her physical appearance now reflects years of labour and age, according to the interview. Grey hair and visible wrinkles have appeared, yet her routine remains physically demanding. Family members said she continues to work daily in the kitchen garden, prepare meals, iron clothes and organise household tasks for the family.

“She still works continuously,” her child said. “Even today she handles the house, takes care of our father and prepares everything for us.”

The interview also addressed changing definitions of women’s empowerment in contemporary Indian society. While public discussions around empowerment often focus on education, employment and financial independence, the family argued that domestic labour and caregiving should also be recognised within those conversations.

“Empowerment is not only moving outside the home,” her child said. “It is also about how a woman turns a house into a home.”

The statement reflects an ongoing debate within Indian social discourse about the visibility and valuation of unpaid domestic work. According to data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and Indian time-use surveys, women in India spend substantially more hours on unpaid household labour than men, particularly in rural regions.

In this case, the woman’s contribution remained centred inside the household rather than through salaried employment. Yet family members said her role shaped the educational and moral foundation of all three children.

Although the children said they have not yet fully achieved their professional goals, they credited their upbringing and discipline to their mother’s consistency and guidance. “The morals she provided are difficult to explain,” her child said. “She is extraordinary.”

The woman’s life also reflects generational patterns among Kashmiri mothers who came of age before broader educational and employment opportunities became accessible to women in many parts of the region. While literacy and school participation among women in Jammu and Kashmir improved significantly over the past two decades, many women from earlier generations remained confined largely to domestic roles after marriage.

Despite those limitations, the woman interviewed said she never viewed motherhood solely as sacrifice. Instead, she described it as continuous work requiring patience, emotional control and adaptation.

“There were times we were hurt by our children,” she said. “But with time, I learned how to handle everything.”

Her account suggests an understanding of motherhood rooted less in idealism than endurance. Rather than describing dramatic events, she focused on repetitive daily responsibilities that accumulated over decades: preparing meals, managing finances during periods of poverty, caring for children during illness and maintaining emotional stability inside the household.

The interview concluded without expressions of regret regarding the opportunities she lost after marriage. Instead, she described satisfaction in seeing her children raised with education, discipline and social values.

Within the household, family members said she remains the central organising force even as the children enter adulthood. Her work, though informal and unpaid, continues to structure the family’s daily life.

“She made the house feel like heaven,” her child said.

Raja Liaquat Ali Khan, a resident of Keran village in Kupwara district, died of a heart attack on April 26. During his funeral, his brothers and sisters, who have lived across the LoC in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir since 1989, watched from the opposite bank of the 300-foot-wide river, unable to cross and attend in person.

The crossing route, once a short ten-minute walk connecting the two sides, was closed by the Indian government in 2019 after cross-LoC trade and bus services were suspended over security concerns, including allegations of weapons smuggling, narcotics trafficking and fake currency circulation.

A video showing Khan’s siblings waving to the coffin and joining funeral prayers from across the river spread widely on social media, prompting emotional reactions and renewed demands for humanitarian access for divided families.

Ravinder Pandita, president of the All-India Kashmiri Samaj, said many families separated during the militancy of 1989-90 had relied on permit-based crossings introduced during former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure to maintain family ties.

He said those arrangements had remained suspended since 2019 following the Balakot strikes.Local political leaders and residents described the incident as a reminder of the human cost of the Kashmir divide, with many urging authorities to reconsider restrictions for family reunions and funerals.

Turkey’s propaganda media front, TRT World, has spearheaded anti-India narratives, peddling full-blown pro-Pakistani propaganda

Pakistan PM Shahbaz Sharif is meeting Turkey President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan TWICE in ONE month, post the Pahalgam terror attack and after #OperationSindoor.

This not only reveals the true nature of their alliance but also EXPOSES their transnational alliance against India!

What we’re seeing today is a reflection of years of planning and collaboration. From 2018’s coordinated social media campaigns to 2022’s RToK in Sarajevo, every major anti-India narrative has been amplified simultaneously from Islamabad and Istanbul!

The Erdoğan network isn’t just diplomatic — it’s operational. Through a web of NGOs spanning continents, the Erdoğan family has built an influence ecosystem that abets everything — from Hamas to Pakistan-sponsored anti-India campaigns, including terror attacks.

Two weeks ahead of the Pahalgam terror attack, a sequence of events transpired between Pakistan and Turkey:

a. A think tank linked to Turkey’s Erdoğan family hosted a propaganda event on Kashmir.
b. TRT World interviewed a white-collared terrorist, Muzzammil Thakur, for propaganda on Kashmir.

On 9th April, Pakistani think tank CISSAJK released a report whitewashing the Pulwama terror attack and blaming India’s ruling party for “pushing South Asia to the nuclear brink.”

On 6th April, Muzzammil Thakur was also the “chief guest” at TUGVA — an organization closely linked to the Erdoğan family. Bilal Erdoğan (Erdoğan’s son) sits on the advisory board of TUGVA. TUGVA pursues the political ambitions of Erdoğan’s AK Party via its programs.

Note: TUGVA is also known for corruption allegations, promoting extremist Islamist ideology through jihadist camps, and working with Insani Haq-o-Hurriyat (IHH), which supports Al-Qaeda and ISIS.

On one hand, TUGVA hosted Muzzammil Thakur; on the other hand, he was interviewed by Turkey’s state-affiliated media and propaganda arm, TRT World. Muzzammil also shared the stage with Hamas supporter Azzam Tamimi at Ummatics Istanbul — a network founded by a Pakistani-American.

This is not the first time Turkey has abetted this anti-India figure. In 2016, TRT was the first portal to interview Muzzammil and project him as the face of resistance in Kashmir globally. It was the first time Muzzammil Thakur began receiving an international platform.

This is not a one-off or isolated instance where Turkey has abetted the Pakistani agenda globally. In fact, it has even worked hand-in-hand with Pakistan against certain countries, including India. To put things in perspective, both Turkey and Pakistan are strategic partners.

Turkey not only provides military support to Pakistan, but their alliance is marked by various aspects, including:
a. Defence deals
b. Info-war coordination
c. Military exercises
d. Technology deals

Turkey’s propaganda media front, TRT World, has spearheaded anti-India narratives, peddling full-blown pro-Pakistani propaganda — including Pakistani fake news and giving space to Pakistani faces — weaving the narrative of an alliance between India and Israel as colonial settlers.

According to a 2021 report, TRT World employed at least 50 Pakistanis out of 300-odd staff, collectively comprising correspondents, producers, and editors based in Istanbul. TRT World and Anadolu Agency are tasked with carrying propaganda favourable to the Turkey-Pakistan alliance.

Turkey under Erdoğan positions itself as a Muslim world leader, using Islamic identity to counter Western influence, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. Pakistan has often aligned with Turkey’s narratives, including on Islamophobia, to resonate with global Muslim populations.

Targeting Muslim Brotherhood–targeted Countries:

Turkey and Pakistan jointly targeted countries that have also been targeted by the global radical Muslim Brotherhood — namely France, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and India.

In May 2020, #BoycottUAE trended in Pakistan after Turkish social media users promoted the hashtag. Turks were angered by the UAE’s support for Haftar’s forces in Libya (which opposed the Turkey-backed GNA) and the UAE’s ties with India.

In October 2020, Turkey and Pakistan united to push #BoycottFrenchProducts over France’s defence of free speech. Erdoğan urged Turks to shun French goods, while Pakistan’s parliament passed a resolution in 2020 backing Turkey’s call to boycott French products.

Similarly, this group also executed a slander campaign against Saudi Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). A number of pictures of the Saudi Prince with the Indian PM were recycled to suggest he was not standing up for the cause of Muslims.

As noted, Turkey supports Pakistan in several ways: endorsing its stance on Kashmir, pushing anti-India narratives like “Islamophobia,” and using diplomatic channels and state tools — including TRT World and social media — to fuel global boycott campaigns against India.

This alliance gained more visibility after the Indian government abrogated Article 370 in J&K. Turkey and Pakistan intensified coordinated disinformation campaigns on Kashmir, weaponizing tropes like ‘Islamophobia’ to malign India’s image and hinder India’s economic interests.

On August 5, 2019, after India revoked Articles 370 and 35A, while Pakistani media pushed aggressive propaganda, Turkish outlets like TRT World and Anadolu Agency were among the first international platforms to echo Pakistan’s Kashmir narrative against India.

TRT World published over 30 long stories related to Jammu and Kashmir, and interestingly, 14 of them were also recommended by the Pakistani Foreign Ministry. A word cloud and timeline of TRT World’s coverage on Kashmir is shown below.

Turkey’s state-funded Anadolu Agency amplified fake news claiming India issued 3.4 million bogus domiciles in Kashmir to alter its demography post-Article 370. The false report was widely shared by Pakistani media — later proven fake.

The first BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) call against India appeared on Facebook on August 8, 2019 — just 3 days after the abrogation of Article 370. By August 13, 2019, the Palestinian BDS Committee had released a statement amplified via Pakistani- and Turkish-aligned platforms.

Pakistan-backed accounts launched a coordinated BDS campaign targeting India using #BoycottIndia and #BoycottIndianProducts, with over 162K tweets on X — mostly from fake or new Pakistan-based handles.

In September 2019, then-Pakistan PM Imran Khan used the UN General Assembly to accuse India of “Islamophobia” post-Article 370 abrogation. That same year, Pak sympathizer CJ Werleman pushed the Islamophobia trope against India, amplified by Turkish and Pakistani networks.

Weaponizing the OIC

Pakistan and Turkey also weaponized the OIC to amplify anti-India narratives in 2020 — citing CAA/NRC and Kashmir to push claims of ‘Islamophobia’. Turkey’s Anadolu Agency, TRT World, and Erdoğan backed the line.

OIC Statement & Fake Arab Handles Campaign

In April 2020, after OIC criticized India over Islamophobia, Pakistan launched a fake social media campaign. Pak accounts posing as Arab royals unleashed a disinformation campaign (later exposed) to target India with Islamophobia.

Soft Calls for BDS Against India

In collusion, Turkey and Pakistan organized several events equating Kashmir with Palestine and called for the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement against India. Seminars and events were organized jointly by this alliance.

In May 2020, an event was jointly hosted by Kashmir Civitas (based in Pakistan, Istanbul, Shanghai, and Qatar), along with Turkey-based Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), to draw a parallel between Kashmir and Palestine and seek BDS against India.

Similarly, on June 29–30, 2020, Istanbul University organized an event on Kashmir attended by Pakistani ministers and convicted ISI agent Ghulam Nabi Fai among others. Masood Khan urged Turkey’s intervention in the Kashmir issue while seeking BDS against India.

To lend legitimacy to the BDS campaign against India, pro-Pakistan networks enlisted CJ Werleman to write an article on TRT World (July 2020) framing the Kashmir issue within the global BDS movement and internationalizing anti-India narratives.

A few months later, to test the waters, in September 2021, the #BoycottIndianProducts campaign trended on X — this time spearheaded by the global Muslim Brotherhood along with the nexus of Qatar-Turkey-Pakistan (QTPi).

Two months later, in December 2021, the Turkey-Pakistan nexus — including Pakistan’s Jamaat and Erdoğan-linked entities — backed by the Muslim Brotherhood nexus linked to Hamas, organized a hush-hush ‘Russell Tribunal on Kashmir (RToK)’ against India.

Major takeaway of the 3-day Tribunal: BDS Movement against India!

RToK & Erdoğan Link

Among the organizers of the RToK tribunal was the International University of Sarajevo (IUS). The president of IUS is Professor Dr. Sevgi Kurtulmuş, professor of Economics at Ankara University. Dr. Sevgi is the wife of Numan Kurtulmuş, who was Deputy PM of Turkey (2014–17), from the AKP.

IUS was founded by the Foundation for Education Development Sarajevo (SEDEF) in 2003. SEDEF is a pro-government Turkish businessmen and Islamist foundation backed by Erdoğan.

SEDEF’s constituent organization is ILIM YAYMA VAKFI, founded by Erdoğan on March 31, 1973. Bilal Erdoğan is its president.

Prior to the RToK event, IUS had never engaged with Kashmir. Yet, this Erdoğan-linked university co-organized the RToK — after months of seminars and online boycott campaigns against India. Erdoğan’s ties to the Muslim Brotherhood and Turkish state media’s role in the MB-led boycott are well known.

Another key organizer of the RToK was Kashmir Civitas (KC), established in 2019 with bases in Istanbul, London, Beijing, Rome, and Toronto. Farhan Mujahid Chak is the face of KC. He is of Pakistani origin, Qatar-resident, and currently based in Canada.

A few days after RToK, UK-based firm Stoke White — whose founder Hakan Camuz is a Turkish citizen and close to the Erdoğan family — ran a smear arrest campaign against the Indian Army and India’s Home Minister, accusing India of human rights violations in J&K.

Hakan Camuz headed the UK-based Turken Foundation (2015–19), which has deep links with the Erdoğan family.

The Turken Foundation was established by two Turkish organizations: Ensar Foundation (est. 1979) and TURGEV (est. 1996 by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan). Bilal Erdoğan was once a board member of the Turken Foundation UK.

Ensar Foundation

In 2016, Ensar Foundation was involved in a child abuse scandal in Karaman, a central Anatolian town in Turkey, in a guest house run by Ensar Foundation. The foundation is known to be run by close associates of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan!

The Relationship Goes Deeper

In 2014, Camuz represented Bilal Erdoğan in a case against CNBC and David L. Philips after they exposed alleged links between Bilal and Turkey’s Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) in funding terror group ISIS. IHH is a known tool of Turkey’s intelligence agency Millî İstihbarat Teşkilatı (MİT).

Camuz’s Stoke White has run legal and smear campaigns targeting countries — UAE, Saudi Arabia, India, and France — all targeted by the Muslim Brotherhood and Turkey. Its cases also echo Ankara’s narrative, even demanding action against Erdoğan’s rival, Mohammed Dahlan.

On Jan 19, 2022, Stoke White launched a hit job against the Indian Home Minister and Army Chief (from Jan 2021), accusing India of genocide in Kashmir.

This was based on an “investigation” with Pakistan-based Legal Forum for Oppressed Voices of Kashmir (LFOVK). The campaign was strategically made to trend in Turkey.

LFOVK is headed by Pakistani Judge Justice Ali Nawaz Chawhan (late) and Advocate Nasir Qadri. It is pertinent to note that while SW launched a hit job against the Indian HM and then-Indian Army Chief, it was LFOVK that started the #arrestindianarmychief trend and peddled the narrative of ‘war crimes in Kashmir’ with SW.

LFK collaborates with think tanks like IPRI and IPS — both deeply tied to the Pakistan Army and ISI. Asad Durrani, ex-IPS member, was the general of Military Intelligence (MI) and ISI. These institutions were tasked by Pakistan’s Senate in 2016 to identify and exploit India’s “fault lines.”

Just two weeks ahead of the RToK in Sarajevo, LFOVK head Nasir Qadri and primary organizer Farhan Mujahid Chak (Kashmir Civitas) attended the 17th IPS Working Group on Kashmir in 2021 — joined by others including Irshad Mahmood, Tajammul Altaf, and APHC officials.

The New Narrative

As noted, there have been strong efforts to seek BDS against India, just like the BDS movement against Israel. Through boycott campaigns, hit job campaigns, and RToK, this alliance has been forging a narrative linking India and Israel.

Hence, this transnational alliance — driven by Turkey’s vision of becoming the poster boy of the Islamic world — uses Turkish propaganda fronts along with Pakistani allies to craft the India-Israel narrative. Turkey actively abets and drives these efforts alongside Pakistan through state machinery and media.

Most recently, TRT World gave a platform to Nasir Qadri, who accused India of adopting Israel’s settler-colonial tactics. During the India-Pakistan conflict in May 2025, a number of Pakistani handles also peddled the same narrative as Nasir Qadri on TRT World.

Turkey is fast emerging as a new hub for anti-India radical Islamists.

This investigative article draws exclusively from verified research conducted by DisInfoLab, a leading organization renowned for uncovering global disinformation campaigns, propaganda networks, and hybrid warfare strategies. Every event, connection, and claim outlined in this exposé is rooted in meticulously documented findings from DisInfoLab’s reports.

This not only strengthens Pakistan’s foothold in Turkey’s strategic calculations but also aligns with Erdogan’s broader ambitions to lead the Muslim Ummah.

On August 15, 2019, a seemingly emotional piece appeared in a Turkish publication. Written by Ruwa Shah, the daughter of jailed Kashmiri separatist Altaf Ahmad Shah, the article lamented the “besieged” condition of Kashmir, portraying a picture of despair and victimhood. Shah, writing from Turkey, decried the “loss of childhood” among Kashmiri children—despite living thousands of miles away from the region.

While the article may appear at first glance to be a personal narrative, its deeper context and timing are far more consequential. The piece, and many others like it published in Turkish media, reflect an expanding ecosystem of information warfare aimed at maligning India’s global image, particularly in the Muslim world. The source and structure of this narrative appear increasingly tied to a broader project of political Islam, under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

The Altaf Shah Connection: Terror and Propaganda

Ruwa Shah’s father, Altaf Ahmad Shah, was no ordinary man. He was a key operative in Kashmir’s separatist ecosystem and is currently facing charges in India related to terror financing. India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) registered a case in 2017 implicating him in illegally raising funds, including through hawala channels, to fuel street violence, destroy schools, and provoke unrest in the Kashmir Valley. His actions, far from the realm of peaceful protest, allegedly contributed to organized violence and efforts to destabilize the region.

Thus, Ruwa Shah’s presence in Turkey and her article in its media cannot be viewed in isolation. It must be seen in conjunction with the growing pattern of Turkish platforms becoming hubs for Pakistani-backed and separatist-driven disinformation campaigns.

A New Axis: Ankara and Islamabad’s Media Alliance

Under President Erdogan’s rule, Turkey has undergone a dramatic transformation—from a relatively secular, pro-Western democracy to a country increasingly under the sway of Islamist populism. Central to this transformation has been Erdogan’s use of media as a strategic weapon—both domestically and internationally.

Analysts have raised concerns that Erdogan’s government has gone beyond domestic control of press freedom and has now adopted a deliberate strategy of international ideological export. Turkish state-run media outlets like Anadolu Agency and TRT, which once hired Western journalists, are now seeing an influx of Pakistani nationals with strong ideological leanings.

Currently, nearly half of the copy-editing staff in Anadolu Agency comprises Pakistani nationals. Many of these journalists have known affiliations with hardline ideologies, and some have shown clear sympathies with separatist movements in South Asia. Turkish media, particularly these two flagship outlets, are now actively providing platforms to voices that echo the narratives of Islamabad and anti-India actors.

ISI’s Invisible Hand?

Foreign policy observers argue that the placement of Pakistani journalists in Turkish media is not merely a reflection of Ankara-Islamabad camaraderie—it may very well be an orchestrated move by Pakistan’s intelligence agency, the ISI. The intent: to amplify Pakistani geopolitical interests, challenge Indian narratives, and use Turkish soft power as a megaphone for radical Islam.

This not only strengthens Pakistan’s foothold in Turkey’s strategic calculations but also aligns with Erdogan’s broader ambitions to lead the Muslim Ummah. It explains why separatists from Kashmir, like Ruwa Shah, are finding Turkish media an inviting space to propagate their agenda.

Erosion of Sufi Pluralism in Turkey

One of the most tragic consequences of this media radicalization is the cultural loss within Turkey itself. Historically rooted in Sufi traditions, Turkish Islam was celebrated for its pluralism and syncretism. However, with the increasing dominance of Pakistani-Deobandi interpretations of Islam—promoted by the new wave of Pakistani journalists and clerics—there is growing concern about an erosion of Turkey’s spiritual heritage.

This ideological shift is being fueled not only through newsrooms but also through Turkey’s expanding religious institutions. The Diyanet, Turkey’s powerful Directorate of Religious Affairs, has witnessed exponential growth in both influence and budget. It is actively promoting a curriculum increasingly aligned with political Islam.

One such example is Erdogan’s controversial move in 2020 to convert Heybeliada Sanatorium—originally a hospital on one of Istanbul’s Princes’ Islands—into a religious school under Diyanet’s control. This follows the pattern of converting key historical monuments like Hagia Sophia and Kariye Church into mosques, symbolic of Erdogan’s Islamization campaign.

Observers worry that Turkey’s religious education sector is now being weaponized to raise generations of youth loyal to a singular, rigid ideological framework—one that is uncritical, conformist, and detached from Turkey’s once-rich theological diversity.

Radicalization of the Marginalized

Erdogan’s strategy doesn’t target the elite. Instead, his focus is on Turkey’s marginalized and underprivileged communities. For academically weaker students who are unable to get into mainstream education systems, religious schools are increasingly becoming the only option. Many of these schools promote a curriculum that serves political interests rather than religious or moral development.

In the long term, this has the potential to create an entire generation susceptible to radical ideologies and blind allegiance to Erdogan’s leadership. The role of imported media ideologues—especially Pakistani journalists—in this radicalization project cannot be underestimated.

A Caution for Turkish Society

Ruwa Shah’s article may have been a drop in the ocean, but it is emblematic of a larger, more dangerous tide. Turkish media, under Erdogan, is being transformed into a global hub for political Islam. It is actively collaborating with Pakistan’s ideological machinery, offering space to separatists and radicals, while undermining secular, moderate narratives.

The Turkish people—once custodians of a rich, pluralistic Islamic tradition—must now reckon with the possibility that their society is being reengineered. If unchecked, the radicalization of Turkish media and religious institutions could lead to long-term domestic instability and international isolation.

As for the rest of the world, particularly nations grappling with terrorism and separatism, the emerging Ankara-Islamabad axis of ideological influence poses a new frontier in the battle against extremism. What appears on the editorial page may just be a soft echo of a harder, strategic plan being executed in real time.

Taha’s remarks come in the wake of deadly terror attacks in Jammu and Kashmir, where civilians, including children, were killed by militants reportedly backed by Pakistani extremist networks. India responded swiftly, targeting the militant infrastructure across the Line of Control, a move supported by many across the region as both proportionate and necessary.

“This isn’t aggression — it’s justice,” Taha continued, pointing out the hypocrisy of critics who remained silent during the initial bloodshed but have now taken issue with India’s right to defend itself.

Among the more troubling developments, however, is Pakistan’s reported targeting of civilian areas in cross-border shelling, which has resulted in casualties and displacement. Human rights groups have voiced concern over this escalation, calling it a violation of international norms.

What has further inflamed opinion, particularly in the UK and parts of Europe, is the reaction from certain Western lawmakers. “Why are some British MPs acting like they’re part of Pakistan’s PR team instead of serving their own country?” Taha asked pointedly, reflecting a sentiment shared by many Indian and international observers alike.

In a time when terrorism is increasingly transnational, the notion that democracies must remain passive in the face of violence is not only outdated but dangerous. Drawing a comparison to the October 7th Hamas attacks on Israel, Taha noted the eerie similarities: “Just like Israel, ambushed in its sleep by genocidal terrorists, India woke up to dead babies in Kashmir — murdered by extremists. And suddenly, the same voices that were silent during the massacre are now loud against the response.”

The political scientist didn’t mince words about the surge of Muslim Brotherhood-linked rhetoric in European media, where self-styled “experts” have emerged to criticize India while glossing over the root cause — terrorism.

“The truth is simple: don’t cry about the response when you applauded the attack. You started it, you don’t get to choose how it ends,” Taha asserted. He concluded his post with a deeply resonant quote: “When dharma is attacked, the warrior rises. And when the warrior rises, the war ends one way: victory.”

As the world grapples with the balance between justice and diplomacy, the Indian case forces a stark reconsideration: when a nation is attacked, is it not duty-bound to defend its citizens — swiftly, decisively, and without apology?

For many, Taha’s words have become more than a commentary — they are a call for moral clarity in a world too often clouded by selective outrage.