The growing strategic importance of remote forested areas has prompted governments in the region to designate large swaths of land as military zones, reflecting concerns that insurgent groups are using dense vegetation to plan attacks, move personnel and sustain logistical networks beyond the reach of state forces.

In Mali, authorities this month declared the 80,000-hectare Faya forest and 38 other forests and parks off-limits to civilians, describing them as potential sanctuaries for armed groups. The measure followed a series of major attacks carried out by Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), Al-Qaeda’s affiliate in the Sahel, and allied Tuareg separatist fighters.

The forests covered by the decree form a broad corridor stretching across southern Mali from the borders with Senegal and Mauritania to Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire.

Analysts say such areas provide militants with significant operational advantages. Sparse state presence, limited infrastructure and the absence of permanent settlements make surveillance and enforcement difficult, allowing insurgent groups to establish enduring footholds.

“These are large natural areas that are sometimes not very well controlled by the state,” said Franklin Nossiter, a Sahel analyst at the International Crisis Group. He said the lack of military installations and administrative infrastructure in many forest zones has made them attractive locations for militant activity.

Similar security measures have been implemented in neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger, where authorities have increasingly restricted civilian access to forested regions associated with militant operations.

In Niger’s Torodi region, a heavily wooded area near the Burkina Faso border, officials have designated sections of territory as restricted military zones due to persistent attacks by armed groups.

Local industry representatives say militants regard logging and transport activities as threats to their shelter networks. A timber sector official told AFP that dozens of trucks had been destroyed and more than 20 transport workers killed in attacks linked to insurgent groups operating in the area.

Security researchers argue that militant organizations now view forests as more than defensive hideouts. Samir Bhattacharya of the Observer Research Foundation said sustained military pressure in urban centers and improved aerial surveillance have encouraged insurgents to establish permanent bases in remote woodland areas.

The terrain also offers economic opportunities. Militants have increasingly exploited informal economies linked to mining, livestock grazing, smuggling routes and poaching to finance their operations and strengthen local influence.

According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), the continued use of forests and nature reserves by militant groups demonstrates a deliberate long-term strategy rather than temporary adaptation.

JNIM initially expanded through the W-Arly-Pendjari complex of parks and reserves spanning parts of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger. The region’s proximity to several international borders has enabled insurgents to move across jurisdictions while avoiding concentrated military pressure.

Meanwhile, the Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) has developed networks in forested and hilly areas along the Niger-Nigeria frontier, conflict monitors say.

Military efforts to dislodge militants have faced significant challenges. Analysts note that dense vegetation reduces the effectiveness of drone surveillance and air strikes, while difficult terrain limits the mobility of armored vehicles and conventional ground forces.

Experts also caution that aggressive counterinsurgency operations in forest areas could carry risks if civilians are harmed or displaced. Such outcomes, they argue, could fuel local grievances and potentially aid recruitment efforts by militant organizations.

The growing contest for control of the Sahel’s forests underscores the evolving nature of the region’s insurgencies, where geography, local economies and weak state presence have become increasingly central to the conflict.

Residents in central Mali told Reuters that fighters from Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) now collect taxes, settle local disputes and distribute aid in some communities, while using fewer threats than in previous years.

Five years ago, militants in some villages threatened people who challenged their interpretation of Islam, according to residents. More recently, they have focused on religious messaging and local administration, they said.

JNIM, formed in 2017 after several militant groups merged and pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda, has spent years expanding across the Sahel region. The group has imposed restrictions including bans on music, smoking and some social activities while carrying out attacks against state forces.

The group gained strength after Mali’s military rulers took power in 2020 and removed French and United Nations forces from the country, while seeking support from Russian military contractors. JNIM later carried out major attacks, including strikes in Bamako and assaults on military positions.

Despite its military operations, residents and analysts said JNIM has increasingly sought to present itself as a governing authority in areas where it holds influence.

“The stronger they have become, the less brutal they have to be,” said Sahel expert Corinne Dufka, adding that residents’ acceptance of JNIM rule was shaped by a combination of coercion, fear and adaptation.

Tuareg-led separatist leader Bilal Ag Cherif, whose movement has cooperated with JNIM in parts of northern Mali, said he had observed changes within the group, including greater openness to local interpretations of Islam and discussions on political issues.

The separatists, now known as the Azawad Liberation Front, have urged JNIM fighters to distance themselves from Al-Qaeda and focus more on local concerns, Cherif said.

JNIM has said it aims to remove Russian forces from Mali and challenge the military leaders who seized power after coups in 2020 and 2021. The group has also increased messaging aimed at gaining wider support among Malians.

Mali’s government has rejected talks with armed groups, with Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop saying the authorities would not negotiate with groups responsible for violence in the country.

JNIM remains accused of severe abuses, including killings and attacks on civilians. In January, the group was blamed for an attack on a fuel convoy that killed 12 people, while attacks in May killed about 50 people in central Mali.

Some residents living under JNIM control said the group’s rule was now more predictable than earlier periods of conflict, though freedoms remained restricted.

“Since JNIM has controlled the area, we are safe. Even though their rule is difficult to respect, we have gotten used to it,” said Aminata, a resident of the Mopti region.

Analysts say JNIM’s approach reflects a broader shift among militant groups in the Sahel, where insurgents increasingly seek local legitimacy while continuing armed campaigns against governments.

Mali’s authorities and Russian partners have denied accusations of targeting civilians, saying their operations focus on militants.

Goita’s televised address came after West Africa’s Al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and a Tuareg-led separatist alliance launched attacks on Mali’s main army base and the area near Bamako’s airport on Saturday, while also forcing Russian-backed government forces out of the strategic northern town of Kidal.

The offensive marked one of the most significant coordinated assaults against Mali’s military government in recent years, raising concerns over a broader territorial shift in the country’s vast northern desert and the growing operational reach of armed groups active across the Sahel.Mali’s Defense Minister Sadio Camara was killed in the attacks, dealing a major blow to the ruling junta.

Goita had not been seen publicly until Tuesday afternoon, when his office released photographs of him meeting Russian Ambassador Igor Gromyko at the presidential palace in Bamako.

According to a statement from Goita’s office, the two discussed “the current situation and the strong partnership between Bamako and Moscow,” while Gromyko reaffirmed Russia’s commitment to supporting Mali in its fight against what the government described as international terrorism.

Goita also visited a hospital treating those wounded in the attacks and offered condolences to Camara’s family before addressing the nation on state television.“The situation is under control,” Goita said, adding that military operations would continue until the “complete neutralization of the groups involved.”

The scale of Saturday’s attacks demonstrated an unusual level of coordination between insurgent factions with differing political and ideological objectives, highlighting the mounting pressure on Mali’s armed forces despite years of military cooperation with Russian security partners.

In a video message circulated on Tuesday, JNIM spokesperson Bina Diarra described the attacks as retaliation for drone strikes and other operations carried out by Malian forces and threatened to impose a siege on Bamako.“As of today, Bamako is closed off from all sides,” he said.JNIM had previously imposed a fuel blockade on the capital last year, though restrictions had eased before the latest attacks.

Russia’s Defense Ministry said on Tuesday that insurgents were regrouping after Russian forces helped repel what it described as a coup attempt, preventing militants from capturing key state facilities including the presidential palace.“The enemy has not abandoned its aggressive intentions and is currently regrouping,” the ministry said, adding that Russian forces were conducting reconnaissance operations to destroy insurgent camps and were prepared to repel further attacks.

Moscow’s response is being closely watched as Russia seeks to expand its security role across Africa while its military remains heavily engaged in Ukraine.Mali deepened military ties with Russia after expelling French troops and United Nations peacekeepers following coups in 2020 and 2021.

In the northeast, fighters linked to Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) entered the town of Menaka near the Niger border, according to five sources cited by Reuters, including residents, security analysts and an official from the Azawad Liberation Front.

The sources said ISSP fighters established checkpoints in parts of the town while Malian troops withdrew to a nearby military camp. No direct clashes were reported, and residents said civilians continued moving through the city despite the presence of militants.

ISSP did not participate in Saturday’s coordinated attacks and has long been a rival of JNIM. Since clashes between the two groups began in 2019, they have fought hundreds of battles that have killed more than 2,100 people, according to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data project.

Mali’s ruling military junta said its forces were battling what it described as “terrorist groups” that launched surprise dawn assaults on military positions around Bamako and in several regional cities, while authorities insisted the situation was under control.

Helicopters circled over the capital and around Bamako’s international airport as fighting was reported near the Kati military base, a strategic garrison town where junta leader General Assimi Goïta resides.

JNIM, an armed group linked to Al-Qaeda, said the attacks were carried out jointly with the FLA, a coalition of Tuareg separatist rebels active in northern Mali.“Together, we are carrying out a veritable transformation, in the service of religion, of the country and of the people,” the group said in a statement.

JNIM claimed its fighters targeted the residences of Goïta and Defense Minister General Sadio Camara, as well as Bamako international airport and other military installations.Witnesses reported intense clashes in Kati and other urban centers, while online footage showed armed militants moving through streets in contested areas.

The FLA separately said it had seized control of Kidal, a key northern city long regarded as a symbolic stronghold of Tuareg separatist movements.“Our FLA troops control Kidal, most of Kidal,” FLA spokesman Mohamed Elmaouloud Ramadane told AFP, adding that the regional governor had taken refuge at the former camp of the United Nations peacekeeping mission MINUSMA.

The Malian army said “terrorist groups” had attacked “certain points and barracks in the capital and the interior” early Saturday, but later stated that 16 civilians and soldiers were injured and that only limited material damage had been recorded.“The situation is fully under control in all the localities targeted,” the junta said.

Analysts said the scale and coordination of the attacks marked a serious escalation.“We’re looking at a major coordinated offensive across the country on a level unseen since 2012 when the government lost half the country,” said Charlie Werb of Aldebaran Threat Consultants.

Fighting was also reported in Gao and Kidal in the north and in the central city of Sevare, highlighting the geographic spread of the offensive.Russia’s Foreign Ministry said around 250 fighters had attacked Bamako airport and a nearby military base, adding that the assault had been repelled.“The Russian side expresses deep concern over the unfolding events,” the ministry said on Telegram.

Russian military support has become central to Mali’s security strategy since the junta severed defense ties with former colonial power France and strengthened cooperation with Moscow. Russia’s Africa Corps, operating under the Russian defense ministry, replaced the Wagner mercenary group in supporting Malian forces.

Since 2012, Mali has faced a prolonged insurgency involving jihadist groups, criminal networks and separatist movements. The military leadership, which seized power in coups in 2020 and 2021, justified its takeover partly on promises to restore security, but attacks have continued across the country.

Thousands have been killed and tens of thousands displaced by the violence, with many fleeing to neighboring states.African Union Commission Chair Mahmoud Ali Youssouf condemned the attacks, warning that the renewed violence risked exposing civilians to significant harm.

The whereabouts of Goïta were not immediately clear, while speculation also surrounded Camara after residents reported that a powerful explosion had heavily damaged his residence in Kati. His entourage later said he was safe.

The streets of Bamako remained largely deserted into the evening as security forces maintained a heavy presence and sporadic gunfire continued in parts of the city.

Civilian fatalities attributed to security forces in Burkina Faso and Mali have exceeded those caused by jihadist groups, according to recent data and rights assessments, raising concerns about the conduct of counterinsurgency operations and their broader implications for regional stability.

Analysts and rights groups say the pattern reflects a troubling escalation in abuses by state forces and allied militias, particularly in areas where governments are battling insurgencies linked to al Qaeda and Islamic State. The findings come at a time when military-led governments in both countries are seeking to consolidate control following coups and recalibrate their international alliances.

Human Rights Watch researcher Ilaria Allegrozzi said Burkina Faso’s security forces and affiliated militias “appear to be more brutal and violent” than militant groups such as Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al Qaeda-linked coalition active across the Sahel. Her assessment underscores a shift in the dynamics of violence, where counterinsurgency measures themselves are increasingly contributing to civilian harm.

The data highlights a regional pattern in which government responses to insurgency are marked by alleged extrajudicial killings, collective punishment, and insufficient accountability mechanisms. Allegrozzi said such trends point to broader issues of military indiscipline that risk undermining the effectiveness of security operations.

Widespread civilian casualties linked to state forces could have significant strategic consequences, analysts said. Beyond the immediate human cost, such incidents may erode public trust in governments and create conditions that enable militant groups to strengthen their narratives and expand recruitment.

Insurgent organisations operating in the Sahel have long sought to portray themselves as alternatives to state authority, particularly in rural and marginalised regions. Reports of abuses by national armies may reinforce these narratives, complicating efforts to restore state legitimacy and control.

The situation also carries implications for international engagement in the region. The United States has signalled interest in improving relations with Sahelian governments, even as Burkina Faso and Mali have distanced themselves from traditional Western partners, including France, following their respective coups.

However, allegations of human rights violations could complicate diplomatic and security cooperation.Both Burkina Faso and Mali have undergone significant political transitions in recent years, with military juntas assuming power amid rising insecurity. These governments have prioritised aggressive counterinsurgency campaigns, often relying on local militias and volunteer forces to supplement national armies.

Rights groups have repeatedly raised concerns about the conduct of these auxiliary forces, which are frequently accused of targeting civilians suspected of supporting or collaborating with jihadist groups. Such accusations are difficult to verify independently in many cases due to restricted access to conflict zones and limited transparency from authorities.

Spokespeople for the governments of Mali and Burkina Faso did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Similarly, neither the Burkinabe government nor the Sharia Committee of JNIM in Burkina Faso responded to inquiries from Human Rights Watch regarding the allegations.

The reported pattern of violence reflects the complexity of the conflict environment in the Sahel, where distinguishing between combatants and civilians is often challenging. Armed groups operate in remote areas with limited state presence, and local populations are frequently caught between competing forces.

Despite these challenges, analysts stress that adherence to international humanitarian law remains essential for maintaining credibility and effectiveness in counterinsurgency operations. Failure to do so, they say, risks perpetuating cycles of violence that ultimately benefit insurgent groups.

The findings add to a growing body of evidence suggesting that military-led approaches alone may be insufficient to address the root causes of instability in the region. Issues such as governance deficits, economic marginalisation, and intercommunal tensions continue to fuel conflict dynamics across the Sahel.

As Burkina Faso and Mali navigate their security challenges, the conduct of their armed forces is likely to remain under scrutiny from international observers and rights organisations.

The balance between combating insurgency and protecting civilian populations is expected to be a key factor shaping both domestic legitimacy and external partnerships.