National broadcaster ABC reported that four Australian women and nine of their children and grandchildren departed Roj Camp on Friday, citing the camp’s director, with Syrian authorities transporting them to Damascus to facilitate onward travel to Australia.

The Australian government said it was not involved in the operation and maintained its long-standing policy against actively repatriating individuals from such camps.“The Australian Government is not and will not repatriate people from Syria,” a government spokesperson said in a statement.

The spokesperson added that intelligence and security agencies were continuing to monitor developments closely and were prepared for any Australians who attempted to return independently.

“People in this cohort need to know that if they have committed a crime and if they return to Australia they will be met with the full force of the law,” the statement said.Canberra said its “overriding priority” remained the safety of Australians and the protection of national interests, reflecting ongoing political sensitivity surrounding the possible return of families linked to members of the extremist group Daesh.

Roj Camp, located in northeastern Syria, houses women and children associated with suspected Daesh fighters following the collapse of the group’s territorial control in Iraq and Syria.

The families reported this week are believed to be part of a group of 34 Australians who were unable to leave the camp during a failed repatriation attempt in February, reportedly due to coordination issues involving Syrian authorities.

At the time, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the government would not provide assistance, using the phrase: “You make your bed, you lie in it,” to describe Canberra’s position.The return of Daesh-linked families has remained highly divisive in Australia, with some lawmakers and security officials warning that repatriation could create long-term domestic security risks.

Humanitarian organizations, however, have argued that women and especially children trapped in the camps face deteriorating living conditions, legal limbo, and prolonged statelessness.In 2023, Save the Children Australia filed legal action on behalf of 11 women and 20 children in Roj Camp, seeking government intervention to secure their return.

Australia’s Federal Court ruled against the group, finding that the government did not exercise legal control over the detainees’ confinement in Syria and therefore was not obligated to repatriate them.

Australia has previously repatriated some women and children from Syrian detention camps under earlier operations, but officials have remained cautious, balancing humanitarian concerns against domestic political and security pressures.

The latest developments suggest that any return of Australian citizens from Roj Camp will likely proceed without direct government facilitation, under close scrutiny from law enforcement and intelligence agencies upon arrival.

Survivors of torture from multiple regions are advocating for the adoption of a new international framework aimed at strengthening accountability, rehabilitation, and recognition, as the United Nations intensifies efforts to address gaps in justice systems worldwide.

The proposed Charter of Rights of Victims and Survivors of Torture, developed over three years through consultations and regional hearings, was presented at the 61st session of the Human Rights Council in March 2026 by UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Alice Edwards.

The document outlines standards intended to guide states in addressing the long-term consequences of torture, with a focus on survivor participation and access to justice.The charter draws on more than 120 submissions from survivors globally and reflects recurring patterns identified across different regions.

According to Edwards, survivors frequently face a second phase of hardship after the abuse itself, marked by difficulties in securing recognition, accessing healthcare, and navigating complex legal systems.“Many described a second struggle: to be believed, to access care, to navigate complex institutions, and to obtain legal recognition,” Edwards said, adding that institutional barriers often prolong suffering rather than alleviate it.

The initiative has been supported by organizations working with survivors, including those funded through the UN Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture. It seeks to shift the focus of anti-torture frameworks toward long-term recovery and systemic reform, rather than solely prohibition and punishment.

For survivors such as Shireen Khudeeda, a Yazidi woman abducted during the 2014 attacks by Islamic State in Iraq’s Sinjar region, the consequences of torture extend far beyond physical harm. Held in captivity for three years and subjected to severe abuse, Khudeeda now advocates for justice, including the identification of mass graves and support for affected communities.

“Sometimes when it’s physical you can treat it, but torture in your soul you can never heal it,” she said, reflecting on the enduring psychological impact of her experience.More than a decade after the attacks, many Yazidi families remain without closure, with missing relatives yet to be accounted for.

Khudeeda said that even when answers emerge, they can reignite trauma, citing the identification of her father’s remains as a moment that brought both confirmation and renewed grief.In Mexico, Italia Méndez, a survivor of sexual torture during a 2006 police operation in San Salvador Atenco, continues to pursue justice nearly two decades after the events. Her case, along with those of other women, was recognized by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2018.

Despite this ruling, Méndez said access to adequate medical care and reparations remains limited.“We have a binding judgment and yet we still have not been able to access even the most basic thing, which is dignified and specialised medical care,” she said, describing ongoing challenges in receiving treatment for the long-term effects of torture.

Méndez emphasized that her advocacy is collective, reflecting a broader effort by survivors to prevent recurrence and address systemic impunity. She said continued legal action remains necessary to secure accountability and meaningful redress.In Burundi, Donatien Ndabigeze, a survivor of political violence linked to the 2015 crisis, has pursued justice through international mechanisms.

His case was recognized by the UN Committee Against Torture, which found the state responsible for violations. Ndabigeze said the decision affirmed the severity of the abuses and underscored the importance of international accountability mechanisms.“My case is not only personal; it reflects the situation of many Burundians,” he said, adding that access to justice often requires engagement beyond national systems when domestic remedies are unavailable.

The experiences of these survivors illustrate broader structural challenges identified in the charter. Edwards noted that justice processes are often fragmented and slow, with accountability typically achieved through cumulative efforts involving documentation, litigation, and sustained advocacy.“Accountability rarely happens through a single dramatic moment. It is usually cumulative,” she said.

The charter emphasizes that survivors should play an active role in shaping policies and institutions designed to address torture. It calls for their inclusion not only as witnesses but as stakeholders in decision-making processes, reflecting a shift toward participatory approaches in human rights governance.“Survivors are not merely witnesses to atrocity.

They are rights-holders, advocates and architects of positive change,” Edwards said, cautioning against tokenistic engagement that limits participation to symbolic gestures.For Méndez, the initiative represents a significant step toward recognizing the expertise of survivors. She said incorporating their perspectives into policy design is essential to ensuring that justice mechanisms are responsive and effective.

The charter outlines key areas for reform, including ensuring access to rehabilitation services, strengthening legal recognition, preventing re-traumatization, and establishing safeguards to avoid recurrence. It also underscores the need for systems that restore dignity and rebuild trust between individuals and institutions.

Khudeeda said that speaking out is a necessary part of that process, particularly for communities that have experienced large-scale atrocities. “Because we lost everything, there is nothing else to lose,” she said, describing advocacy as a means of demanding accountability and recognition.

Ndabigeze similarly highlighted the importance of visibility, noting that survivor testimony can challenge societal silence and bring attention to the human impact behind statistical data.The charter is intended as a practical framework for states, with proponents urging governments to adopt and implement its provisions.

Edwards said that embedding survivor perspectives into policy design could improve both prevention and response mechanisms.“If the Charter were implemented, survivors would no longer feel invisible,” she said, adding that timely access to rehabilitation and meaningful participation would strengthen trust in institutions.The initiative comes amid broader international efforts to enhance accountability for human rights violations and improve support systems for victims. By centring the experiences of survivors, the charter aims to address longstanding gaps in justice systems and reinforce global commitments to preventing torture and supporting those affected by it.

“Justice after torture restores dignity — and only when trust is rebuilt can societies prosper and thrive,” Edwards said.

A British woman convicted on terrorism-related charges after traveling to Syria has described her trajectory from personal vulnerability and radicalisation to imprisonment and eventual reintegration into society, offering a detailed account of the personal, legal and social consequences of her actions.

The woman, identified as Shakil, said her early life was marked by instability, including regular visits to her father in prison. She described a determination during adolescence to pursue a different path, excelling academically and enrolling at university to study psychology.

However, at age 20, she entered into a relationship that she said quickly became controlling. Within a year, she had married and left her studies.Shakil stated that the relationship resulted in social isolation and restricted communication, including periods during which she did not have access to a phone.

She distanced herself from family members, citing fear of disclosing her circumstances. During this period, she became involved with individuals who facilitated her travel to Syria via Turkey. She later told authorities that she concealed the truth from her family out of concern that she would lose access to her child.

Following her return, Shakil was released on bail and allowed limited contact with her son. She described this period as the most difficult phase of her life, marked by severe emotional distress and close monitoring by family members concerned about her safety.

After several months, she was formally charged with joining the Islamic State group and encouraging acts of terrorism, based on digital communications and social media activity during her time in Syria.In court proceedings, prosecutors presented messages in which Shakil expressed support for extremist causes and encouraged others to join her.

One message indicated a desire to die as a martyr. Additional evidence included photographs recovered from her phone, among them an image of her young child holding an assault rifle. Shakil denied the charges, arguing that she had not formally joined the group and that her actions were influenced by coercion and surveillance within Syria.

The presiding judge rejected her account, citing inconsistencies in her statements and the nature of the evidence. The court emphasized the risks posed to her child, including exposure to extremist ideology. Shakil was found guilty on both counts and sentenced to six years in prison.

Her case unfolded against the broader backdrop of the territorial defeat of Islamic State, marked by the fall of Baghouz in March 2019. Around the same time, another British national, Shamima Begum, re-emerged in a refugee camp.

Begum had left the United Kingdom as a minor and later became the subject of international attention when her citizenship was revoked by the British government on national security grounds. Authorities argued that she was eligible for citizenship elsewhere through her family, a claim that has been contested in ongoing legal proceedings.

Shakil drew a distinction between her own case and that of Begum, while acknowledging similarities in their circumstances. She expressed the view that Begum had been groomed as a minor, but argued that differences in their experiences, including the duration of time spent in Syria, shaped their respective outcomes.

Following her conviction, Shakil served approximately half of her sentence, including time spent on remand, before being released under strict probation conditions. These included geographic restrictions, limits on contact with family members, electronic monitoring, and a curfew.

Despite these constraints, she secured employment in multiple roles, including cleaning, hospitality and administrative work, often holding more than one job simultaneously.After completing her probationary period in 2021, Shakil began to speak publicly about her experiences.

She participated in a documentary and media appearances aimed at raising awareness about online grooming and radicalisation. She described her actions as the result of vulnerability and manipulation, while acknowledging public skepticism regarding such claims.

Efforts to establish a charitable initiative focused on educating young people about extremism did not materialize, which she attributed in part to a lack of public trust. She continued to receive negative reactions online but indicated that such responses did not significantly affect her.

In the years following her release, Shakil reported gradual improvements in her personal circumstances. Contact with her son was eventually restored, and she described rebuilding relationships with family and establishing a stable social network. By 2024, she indicated that she had reached a level of stability that had previously seemed unattainable.

More recently, she has used social media platforms to engage with audiences on topics including relationships, self-esteem and personal development. While she does not regularly discuss her past, she views her current lifestyle and public presence as part of a broader effort to demonstrate the possibility of rehabilitation.

Shakil remains subject to long-term monitoring requirements and continues to report regularly to law enforcement authorities, a condition that will remain in place until 2034. She stated that she accepts these measures as part of the consequences of her actions.

Her account reflects the intersection of personal vulnerability, extremist recruitment, legal accountability and reintegration challenges, illustrating the long-term implications of involvement in conflict zones and proscribed organisations.

Malaysian Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail confirmed that the suspects were not only propagating extremist beliefs but were also involved in establishing clandestine recruitment cells aimed at indoctrinating members of their community with radical ISIS-aligned ideology.

Out of the 36 individuals detained, five have been formally charged under Chapter VIA of Malaysia’s Penal Code, which deals with terrorism-related offenses. Their cases are currently being heard in the Shah Alam and Johor Bahru Sessions Courts. Another 15 were handed deportation orders, while 16 remain under investigation by Malaysian authorities.

Extremist Plot Uncovered

Authorities say the group was collecting funds to support terrorist activities and aimed to destabilize the legitimate government in Bangladesh. The suspects reportedly operated under the guise of migrant workers while covertly pursuing militant objectives.

Minister Saifuddin stressed that Malaysia would not allow itself to be used as a staging ground for extremist plots originating from abroad. “Any attempts to make Malaysia a base for militant operations or a transit centre for extremism movements will be tackled with firm, quick, and effective action,” he said in a press briefing.

This warning comes amid growing concerns that radicalized foreign nationals may exploit Malaysia’s migrant and refugee communities to establish operational footholds.

A Longstanding Battle Against Extremism

The arrests were carried out by the Royal Malaysia Police’s Special Branch in a coordinated intelligence-led operation. Malaysia has a well-documented history of preemptively disrupting terror cells, particularly those with ties to ISIS and other global jihadist networks.

This latest operation reaffirms Malaysia’s zero-tolerance policy toward extremism, while also shining a light on the vulnerabilities within its migrant population. The country, which is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, has come under scrutiny from human rights organizations for its treatment of undocumented migrants and asylum seekers. Many are held in immigration detention centres, often without access to formal refugee status determination procedures.

Balancing Security and Humanitarian Concerns

While Malaysia maintains the right to protect its national security, human rights advocates warn that genuine asylum seekers may be at risk of arbitrary detention or deportation if broader crackdowns conflate refugees with foreign extremists. The Home Minister’s comments indicate an effort to strike a balance between humanitarian concerns and safeguarding the nation from infiltration by extremist groups.

The incident also raises wider regional concerns about the spread of ISIS ideology within Southeast Asia’s migrant corridors, particularly involving vulnerable populations susceptible to radicalization.

As regional governments grapple with the post-ISIS era and the decentralized nature of global jihadist networks, Malaysia’s recent action signals a warning: South and Southeast Asia must remain vigilant against the silent resurgence of extremist ideologies operating under the radar.

The arrested individuals, all hailing from Pune, were taken into custody as the NIA teams conducted simultaneous searches in various cities. In Karnataka, the raids were underway at several locations, while in Maharashtra, the operation targeted areas in Pune, Thane Rural, Thane City, and Mira Bhayandar.

According to sources within the NIA, the investigation has uncovered a larger conspiracy with international connections, indicating the involvement of foreign-based ISIS handlers in the case. The agency believes that the arrested individuals were part of a complex network dedicated to propagating the extremist ideology of ISIS within India.

The investigation revealed that the network had taken an oath of allegiance, known as Bayath, to the self-styled Khalifa (leader) of ISIS. Moreover, the individuals were found to be involved in the fabrication of improvised explosive devices (IEDs). The agency suspects that the network had plans to carry out acts of terrorism on Indian soil.

The NIA’s operation underscores the seriousness with which security agencies are approaching the threat of terrorism and the efforts being made to dismantle such networks. The agency’s swift action in apprehending the individuals involved in this ISIS terror conspiracy will undoubtedly serve as a deterrent to others with similar intentions.

The NIA has been at the forefront of counterterrorism efforts in India, consistently working towards identifying and neutralizing threats posed by terrorist organizations. The agency’s focus on uncovering international connections and the involvement of foreign handlers in this case highlights the global nature of the ISIS threat and the need for international cooperation to combat terrorism effectively.

As the investigation progresses, the NIA is expected to gather further evidence and interrogate the arrested individuals to dismantle the entire network and bring all those involved to justice.

It used the same MQ-9 drones in the attack that had “earlier in the day been harassed by Russian aircraft in an encounter that had lasted almost two hours”, it said in a statement.

“U.S. Central Command conducted a strike in Syria that resulted in the death of Usamah al-Muhajir, an ISIS leader in eastern Syria,” it said without giving any more details on al-MuhajrWashington has in the last year stepped up raids and operations against suspected ISIS operatives in Syria, killing and arresting various of its leaders who had taken shelter in areas under Turkey-backed rebel control after the group lost its last territory in Syria in 2019.

The U.S.-led campaign which killed former ISIS head Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, who had declared himself the “caliph of all Muslims”, has since targeted its surviving leaders, many of whom are thought to have planned attacks abroad.

U.S. military commanders say ISIS remains a significant threat within the region, however, though its capabilities have been degraded and its ability to re-establish its network weakened.

Islamic State controlled one-third of Iraq and Syria at its peak in 2014. Though it was beaten back in both countries, its militants continue to wage insurgent attacks.

The Khorasan Diary tweeted on Sunday that, “A local Salafi Scholar, Sheikhul Hadith Maulana Abdul Aziz was shot dead by unknown armed men in Bara, Khyber Tribal District while on the way from the mosque to his home. Local sources say the scholar had an anti-Daish view point articulated through his sermons”.

ISIS-caliphate emerged during 2014 in Syria and Iraq under Abubakar Baghdadi. Soon its ideology spread across the nations.

It operates in Pakistan under the name The Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP). The organization was formed in January 2015 by former Taliban members in the eastern Afghanistan. ISKP’s membership includes terrorists from various countries notably Pakistan, Bangladesh, India and Myanmar.

Salafis deem ISIS as ‘Khawarij’ which technically means ‘Renegades’. Salafi scholars such as Shaykh Saleh Al-Fawzan and the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia Abdul-Aziz Aal-e-Shaykh gave fatwa that ISIS are Khawarij, and anyone who associates and engages with them is deviant.

Khawarij was the initial group of terrorists in the Islamic history, who emerged during the time of third caliph of Islam Uthman Al-Affan. They rebelled against the state and called for an armed struggle against the government. They assassinated the authorities of their time.

The slain Imam Abdul Aziz was warning the Muslims against ISIS, that resulted in his murder.

During interrogation, the captured ISIS recruit said that he was meant to get supplies in India so that he could “conduct a terrorist assault at the IS’ command for insult to Prophet Muhammad”.

Authority said in a statement, “Russia’s FSB identified and detained a member of the Islamic State international terrorist organization banned in Russia, a native of a country in the Central Asian region, who planned to commit a terrorist act by blowing himself up against one of the representatives of the ruling circles of India”.

The captured ISIS bomber was recruited in Turkey between April and June of this year, according to the Russian security agency, and his brainwashing was done remotely through the Telegram app.

According to a statement from the Russian security agency, “It has been proven that a foreign national was recruited as a suicide bomber by one of the ITO ‘IS’ leaders between the months of April and June 2022 while on Turkish soil. A representative of the terrorist group personally met with him in Istanbul and also indoctrinated him remotely via Telegram channels”.

FSB added, “As a result, the terrorist took an oath of allegiance to the Amir of IS. After that, he was given the task of leaving for Russia and completing the necessary documents and flying to India to commit a high-profile terrorist act”.

The Islamic State (IS) and all of its manifestations have been declared terrorist organizations by the central government, and are included in the First Schedule of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of 1967.

The Union Home Ministry sais that ISIS spreads its ideology through a variety of online social media channels. The relevant agencies are closely monitoring cyberspace in this regard, and appropriate legal action is taken.

Mostapha Hassan Abdelwahab

Perhaps Al-Maliki will meet the fate of Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh who was killed at the hands of the Houthis, his onetime allies.

Political assassinations have been the norm throughout the history of one-century-old Iraqi state. Fraught with sectarianism and conflicting ideologies, Iraq’s plagued with next-to-impossible peaceful political transition. Bullets, not ballots, are the only recognizable means in Iraq for gaining political power and governance. Iraq’s Nouri Al-Maliki, the ex-prime minister whose agenda centered on sectarianism, kleptocracy and loyalty to Iran, his political and ideological sponsor, will likely face the same fate. He is even on course to meet that fate. He was prime minister from 2006 to 2014. He was corrupt and sectarian. His rule ended with a scandal when ISIS extremists overran northern Iraq, capturing nearly one third of the country’s area and declaring their so-called caliphate. 

But why such a question about the fate of Maliki could ever be raised. Simply because assassinations is an integral part of the political history of Iraq, under both the monarchy and dictatorial nationalist republics established in late 1950s and earlier 1960s.  

Nouri Al-Said: Neither the first nor the last assassination 

Nouri Al-Said, a monarchy-era former prime minister of Iraq, was born in 1888. He was considered a seasoned politician in Iraq. He was appointed as premier 14 times between 1930 and 1958. Al-Said began his career in the Ottoman Army as an officer. He participated in the Crimea War. Al-Said also took part in the uprising against Ottoman rule after his return from the war. 

Particularly during his final years in office, Nouri Al-Said was a significant contributor to the development of Iraq’s foreign policy. In 1945, he played a major role in the creation of the Baghdad Pact, which included Pakistan, Iraq, Turkey, the UK, and Iran. He played a similar role in creating the Arab Federation, which included the kingdoms of Iraq and Jordan, four years later. Every action he took was intended to stem the tide of Arabist nationalism being pushed by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser. He was certain that Iraq needed a world superpower to defend it. The revolutionary army officers who overthrew the monarchy in 1958 may have been enraged by this political stance. Al-Said’s efforts to curtail the growing Arabist republicanism didn’t bear fruit. The inevitable happened. The revolution broke out and Al-Said found himself prompted to flee. 

Iraqi analysts claim that Al-Said consistently displayed disdain for the opposition and underestimated their capacity to unseat him. He insisted that the police could effectively handle the protests, which would number in the hundreds. He was always assured that Iraq would stay secure and safe. “The man who dares to kill me hasn’t even been born,” he once said. 

On July 14, 1958, however, this assurance turned out to be a mirage. Colonel Abdul Salam Arif gave the order for his men to go to Nouri Al-home Said’s with a view of the Tigris River and take him into custody. Al-Said left his house in his pajamas after learning of the revolution. There are various accounts of how Al-Said left his home after the revolution began. In the end, Nouri, who had a 10,000 dinar bounty on his neck, captured and killed. According to one account, Al-Said was killed during a shootout with army officers. According to other accounts, he committed suicide to save himself from being humiliated by irate revolutionaries. 

Al-Said’s assassination wasn’t the first on the Iraqi political landscape. It’s nearly a well-established principle: You will kill your predecessor; and your predecessor will kill you. This was the case with King Ghazi of Iraq. He was assassinated in 1939. Analyses suggest the assassination was carried out by the British occupation apparatuses. Less than two decades after this incident, the rest of the Iraqi royal family were killed in Qasr Al-Rihab massacre. After the Ottoman Empire fell, Faisal I established the kingdom of Iraq in 1932. Faisal, a Hashemite dynasty soldier who was born in Saudi Arabia, fought alongside T.E. Lawrence in World War I. Until his death at age 48 from a heart attack, Faisal ruled for 12 years under a constitutional monarchy imposed by the British.

When two army brigades were commanded to move to Jordan on July 13, 1958, to assist in resolving a crisis in Lebanon, Abdul Karim Qassim, a disgruntled officer commanding one of the units, saw his opportunity and dispatched troops to the Qasr Al Rihab Palace. They had tanks surrounding the palace by early the next morning when they started firing. King Faisal II, his uncle the crown prince, other royal family members, and their staff were ordered from the back entrance and killed shortly after 8 a.m.

Just the beginning 

The killing of the Iraqi royal family didn’t end the country’s turmoil. According to Iraqi observers, the brutal assassination of the Iraqi royal family, including prime minister Nouri Al-Said, let loose the vortex of reckless political violence in the country. There were no trials or signs of legitimate enforcement of law. This reckless and uncontrolled violence turned into a tool employed by political forces to make political gains. 

Ironically, Abdul Karim Qassim, who orchestrated the crime against the Iraqi royal family, was himself brutally assassinated by the Baathists and Nationalists in 1963. Moreover, his accomplice in the 1958 coup and the massacre against the Iraqi royal family, Abdul Salam Arif, carried out the assassination against him. 

There were many more assassinations afterwards carried out by the Baathist regime until the fall of the Iraqi state in 2003. There’s no room to mention such assassinations here. But they have one apparent common denominator: They hurt both sides of the isle. For example, the two major contestants on the Iraqi arena now are the Sadrists, led by Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose father, Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr, was assassinated by the Saddam Hossein regime, and Nouri Al-Maliki, an affiliate with the Shiite majority that had been at loggerheads with the former Iraqi regime. In a previous televised interview, Nouri Al-Maliki alleged that the Saddam Hossein regime killed 60 of his family members. 

Recent history 

These assassinations aren’t something from the past. They have been continuing until very recently. On November 8, 2021, Iraqi Prime Minister Mostafa Al-Kazimi survived an assassination attempt. A drone attacked Al-Kadhimi’s residence. The attack was likely a message from his foes who objected to his domestic and foreign agenda. 

Assassinating Iraq’s Nouri Al-Maliki, therefore, isn’t far-fetched. Given his devastating political legacy, bitter alliances with Sadr and other forces, his extremely sectarian convictions and schemes, Al-Maliki may be on course to meet the fate of former rulers of Iraq and the countless number of politicians and religious dignitaries. Perhaps Al-Maliki will meet the fate of Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh who was killed at the hands of the Houthis, his onetime allies. Cunning politicians may be adept at dancing at snakes’ heads. But this doesn’t mean that they won’t be bitten by that snake one day. So, which snake will bite Al-Maliki? Let’s wait and see. 

Mostapha Hassan Abdelwahab is the former editorial manager of the English edition of the Baghdad Post. He is focusing on Iraqi and Iranian affairs, with articles posted on the Herald Report, Vocal Europe and other platforms.

Members of the pro-Salafi organization Ashaab-Ul-Yameen — ‘People of the Right-Side’ invited the scholars and preachers from the Ahle-Hadees school-of-thought to address the dangers and threats of the extremist organizations who exploit the emotionally charged-up youth for their ulterior agenda.

For the first time in the city, the scholars at the ‘Ashaab-Ul-Yameen Conference-2’ were very vocal and upfront to publicly mention the names of the radical groups who work under the pretention of Islamic awakening.

Shaykh Hussain Madani, vice president of the Telangana’s Jamiat Ahle-Hadees, congratulated the organizers of the conference and said, “Conferences like these should be held at the national and international levels in order to present the true understanding of Islam”.

Shaykh Hussain recalled his treatise, which he wrote in 2014 against ISIS, in Urdu and English, to expose the dangers of the terrorist organization. It was a peak time when the majority of the Muslims were sympathizing the organization for its so-called ‘Jihad’ against the west.

Shaykh Hussain said that being nationalistic and loving one’s nation is part of the innate human nature. He quoted traditional Muslim scholar Ibn Hajar to support his claim.

He said, “the love of nation made the Indian freedom fighters like Moulana Azad to oppose the partition of India and Pakistan”.

Shaykh Abdus-Salam Madani, vice president of the Chennai’s Jamiat Ahle-Hadees, spoke about the fraud and exploitation of the caliphate ‘Khilafah’ calls.

He said, “It’s day-dreaming and ignorance to think that all the current issues of the Muslims will disappear overnight by the arrival of caliphate”.

Shaykh Abdus-Salam warned against the Khomeini-influenced extremist organization Jamat-e-Islami, who doesn’t consider the fundamental and spiritual aspects of Islam as essential, who urge the youth to run after the so-called caliphate.

He held the Muslim-Brotherhood ideology responsible for the destruction of Syria, Libya and other parts of Middle-East.

“The proper methodology of Islam is to connect with the Rulers and the governments and advise them, instead of uprisings and protests to dethrone them and occupy their seats. Prophets never came to grab the governments; rather they came to call people to God’s path”, he added.

Shaykh Wajid Hasan, vice president of the Hyderabad’s Jamiat Ahle-Hadees, spoke about the life and teachings of the 18th century revivalist Imam Mohammed Bin Abdulwahab, and his alliance with Imam Mohammed Bin Saud to establish the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

He explained that the reason to choose the topic was to clear the cobwebs about the term ‘Wahabi’, which is often seen as a synonym to terrorism.

Shaykh Wajid said that most people confuse the African Wahabi-cult started by Abdulwahab Bin Abdurrahman Al-Rustam with the pristine movement of Imam Mohammed Bin Abdulwahab of Saudi Arabia. Rustam’s Khawarij-cult was all about bloodshed and terrorism, while Imam Bin Abdulwahab’s teachings are otherwise.

He said, the term ‘Wahabi’ was deliberately coined by Ottoman Turks to defame the movement of the revivalist, at a time when they were losing grip over the two holy cities of Makkah and Madina.

Shaykh Wajid praised the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for the peace and stability it holds in the Middle-East region, while he attributed the success graph of the kingdom to the foundations laid by Imam Mohammed Bin Saud.

Shaykh Dr. Ajmal Manzoor Madani, lecturer at Mumbai’s Jamia-ut-Tawheed institute, spoke about the qualities and patterns of Khawarij terrorists, while exposing the double-standards of Islamist preachers like Yusuf Qardawi, Hasan Banna, Syed Qutb and Abul-Ala Maududi.

He said, “Muslims have always suffered due to the actions of Khawarij groups. Their emergence took place after Prophet Mohammed’s death, during the battles of Siffin and Nahrawan. And today, they brought destruction in Syria and Libya”.

Dr. Madani added, “Our youth work with emotions, not with their intellect, and due to this, they are hasty in calling Muslims as Kaafir, and waging war against them”.

He said that, youth are mostly oblivious to the Islamic Shariah, that’s the reason they resort to suicide bombing and bloodshed.

While exposing the double-standards of Islamist preachers, he said, “Look at the lifestyle of Qardawi, Banna, Qutb and Maududi. Their children are well-settled in the western countries, while they exploit your children for their goals”.

Director of IPlus TV, Shaykh Kifayatullah Sanabili explained how modern-day youth get misguided due to their abandoning of traditional scholars, and picking up the tools of self-study.

Shaykh Sanabili said that, correct and sound understanding of Islam comes through methodology of Prophet and his companions, while misguidance comes through self-amazement.

Eventually, Delhi-based Shaykh Mohammed Rehmani, president of Jamia Islamia Sanabil, warned against the self-professed preachers and callers of Islam.

Shaykh Rehmani said, “Islam is learnt while sitting at the doorsteps of real scholars, not through YouTube and social media celebrities. Unfortunately, today, we gauge a person’s knowledge of Islam based on the hits and views he gets on the YouTube videos, and this is a problematic situation”.

Shaykh Rehmani urged the Muslims to obey the law of the land, and never rebel against the establishment. He also asked them to stay away from the radical groups that promote the anti-state sentiments.

During a QA session, Shaykh Rehmani was asked about the extremist Islamist organization, Popular Front of India (PFI). Upon which, he expounded PFI’s affair, and called a spade a spade in terming the organization as an extremist cult that derives it methodology from the global Muslim Brotherhood’s militant outfit ‘Hamas’.

He quoted PFI’s chairman and said, “PFI follows Hamas model, not the Tablighi or Salafi model. Which indeed is a threat to the society”.

Shaykh Rehmani said that PFI works under different banners like Indian Fraternity Forum (IFF) and Indian Social Forum (ISF) in the Middle-East, while they have 16 different shades throughout India.

He urged the Ahle-Hadees followers and their chiefs to safeguard themselves against the PFI’s infiltration, and to warn against the influence of Muslim Brotherhood’s splinter groups like Jamat-e-Islami.

Further, Shaykh Rehmani awarded a memento to the organizers, and appreciated their efforts. Imam Khaled Basheer Mohammedi delivered the vote of thanks.

Around 900-1000 audiences showed up at the conference.

Milli Chronicle Media England, Ezal Magazine Saudi Arabia, Miftah Educational and Welfare Society, Azwa-Us-Salaf Educational and Welfare Society, and Ashaabul-Yameen Team sponsored the conference.