Araqchi said negotiations in Islamabad had been conducted in good faith but were undermined by what he described as “maximalism” and shifting U.S. demands, adding that the talks came close to producing an agreement before breaking down.

The remarks followed an announcement by Donald Trump that U.S. naval forces would begin blockading vessels entering or leaving Iranian ports, a move that risks destabilizing a fragile ceasefire reached after weeks of conflict.

US Central Command said the blockade would take effect at 10 a.m. ET (1400 GMT) and would apply to all maritime traffic linked to Iranian ports across the Arabian Gulf and Gulf of Oman, while maintaining freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz for vessels not bound for Iran.

Trump said the United States would act against ships paying what he described as “illegal tolls” to Iran and warned that any attack on U.S. or commercial vessels would trigger a strong military response.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said any approach by foreign military vessels to the strait would be treated as a violation of the ceasefire and met with a “decisive” response.

Parliamentary Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf dismissed the U.S. position, saying Tehran would respond in kind. “If you fight, we will fight, and if you come forward with logic, we will deal with logic,” he said, according to state media.

The talks in Islamabad marked the first direct engagement between the United States and Iran in more than a decade and followed a ceasefire announced earlier in the week after six weeks of conflict that has disrupted global energy markets and pushed oil prices above $100 per barrel.

JD Vance, who led the U.S. delegation, said no agreement had been reached, while signaling that diplomacy could continue. Trump also described the talks as “very friendly” and expressed confidence that Iran might return to negotiations.

A U.S. official said key sticking points included demands for Iran to halt uranium enrichment, dismantle enrichment facilities, transfer highly enriched material and end support for regional groups, alongside ensuring open access to the strait.

Iranian officials, including President Masoud Pezeshkian, said Tehran remained open to a “balanced and fair agreement,” blaming Washington for the breakdown and urging a return to international legal frameworks.

Shipping data showed that three fully laden supertankers transited the strait on Saturday, suggesting that maritime flows had not yet been fully disrupted despite the looming blockade.

Checkpoints staffed by security personnel and volunteers have proliferated across the capital since the conflict began, initially marked by military vehicles and road barriers. While some visible fortifications have been scaled back following recent airstrikes, residents say patrols remain widespread, with teenagers now playing an increasingly prominent role.

Witness accounts describe adolescents aged 13 to 14 manning checkpoints, stopping vehicles and conducting searches. A 28-year-old resident told AFP that she was stopped at two checkpoints in northern Tehran, where teenage boys carrying weapons inspected her phone and personal belongings without consent, calling the encounter intrusive.

Another resident said that beyond formal military checkpoints, groups of youths in private vehicles were independently stopping cars, opening doors and checking dashboards and mobile devices.Authorities have acknowledged lowering the minimum age for Basij recruitment to 12, citing high levels of interest among younger volunteers.

Rahim Nadali, an official with the Revolutionary Guards in Tehran, said on state television that the decision reflected demand from children seeking to participate in defense efforts.The Basij, an auxiliary force under the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, has historically played a central role in internal security operations.

It was also reported to have been involved in suppressing anti-government protests in January, during which thousands were killed.The expanded use of minors has drawn concern from rights groups and analysts. Some observers interpret the move as an indication of manpower shortages, while others see it as a sign of a more hardline approach by authorities seeking to consolidate control amid external and internal pressures.

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s parliamentary speaker, urged supporters to maintain a presence on the streets, framing domestic mobilization as part of a broader strategic effort alongside military and maritime pressures, including tensions around the Strait of Hormuz.

Analysts say the intensified street presence is aimed at deterring potential unrest, particularly after calls from U.S. President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu encouraging opposition activity at the outset of the war.

In addition to checkpoint duties, pro-government groups have organized nighttime patrols, using vehicles equipped with loudspeakers to broadcast slogans and display flags in residential areas.

Hamidreza Azizi, a visiting fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, said the government was increasingly reliant on a core base of ideologically committed supporters to maintain order. He noted that this strategy reflects deeper challenges to the state’s legitimacy but has proven effective in sustaining control during wartime conditions.

Human Rights Watch said the recruitment of children under 15 for military roles could constitute a war crime under international law and warned that their deployment exposes them to heightened risks, including potential targeting in military strikes.

Bill Van Esveld, the group’s associate director for children’s rights, said the policy suggested authorities were willing to endanger minors to bolster security capacity.

In a statement, the Israeli military said the target was located within the compound of Imam Hossein University, which it identified as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ primary military academic institution and an emergency support asset for Iran’s armed forces.

The Israeli military said it carried out multiple strikes on infrastructure within the university complex in recent days, aiming to degrade Iran’s weapons production and development capabilities.

According to the statement, the strikes destroyed underground wind tunnels, a chemistry centre, and a technology and engineering facility linked to a mechanics and development group, all of which Israel said were used in weapons research.

Israel described the university as a central component of the IRGC’s military infrastructure. The institution has previously been visited by senior Iranian officials, including former supreme leader Ali Khamenei.

There was no immediate confirmation or response from Iranian authorities regarding the reported strike or the extent of damage.

The Israeli military said the incoming missiles activated warning systems across several regions, with interceptions heard over Tel Aviv. In northern Israel, residential buildings were damaged by debris from intercepted projectiles.

No fatalities were reported.The escalation came hours after Trump said he would delay, by five days, a planned strike on Iran’s power grid, citing what he described as “very good and productive” discussions aimed at resolving hostilities in the Middle East.

Iranian officials moved swiftly to counter Trump’s statement. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf said no talks had taken place, calling the U.S. claims “fake news” intended to manipulate financial and oil markets and deflect from mounting geopolitical pressure.

According to sources familiar with the matter, Qalibaf had been identified as a key interlocutor in the purported exchanges. However, his public denial cast doubt on the existence of any backchannel diplomacy.

Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said they were continuing operations, including attacks on U.S. targets, and described Trump’s remarks as “psychological operations” with no bearing on Tehran’s military posture.

Global markets reacted sharply to the shifting narrative. Trump’s announcement of a delay in military action had initially buoyed investor sentiment, pushing share prices higher and driving oil below the $100-per-barrel mark after earlier volatility tied to threats of escalation.

By Tuesday, those gains appeared at risk as renewed hostilities and Iran’s rejection of negotiations reintroduced uncertainty into energy markets and broader risk sentiment.

The diplomatic confusion follows Trump’s weekend ultimatum demanding that Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz within 48 hours. The strategic waterway carries roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas, making it a critical chokepoint for global energy supply.

Iran has not indicated any shift in its stance on the strait, and the continued exchange of threats and military actions has heightened concerns over potential disruptions to energy flows and regional stability.

We’re going after the IRGC,” Netanyahu said during the visit, adding that Israel would pursue its leadership, installations and economic assets.

The missile strike on Arad injured at least 59 people, according to Israeli medics, while nearby Dimona widely believed to be near Israel’s nuclear research facilities also sustained significant damage from a direct hit.

Rescue teams were deployed to affected neighbourhoods, where buildings were partially destroyed and debris scattered across residential areas. Authorities described the incident as a mass casualty event.

Netanyahu urged residents to strictly follow instructions from Israel’s Home Front Command and seek shelter during air raid sirens, describing the current situation as one in which “the entire home front is a frontline.

”He said adherence to safety protocols was critical to preventing casualties during continued missile barrages.

Iranian officials, including parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, have described recent strikes as marking a new operational phase in the conflict, as Iranian missiles penetrated Israeli air defences in areas previously considered highly protected.

The exchange of attacks comes amid a wider regional escalation involving Iranian-backed groups, including Hezbollah, and follows strikes on key sites in both countries as the conflict enters its fourth week.

The UAE’s Interior Ministry identified the convicted individuals as Olimpi Toirovich, 28, Makhmudjon Abdurakhim, 28, and Azizbek Kamlovich, 33. Authorities arrested the three men shortly after the crime, launching a swift investigation and legal proceedings.

Rabbi Kogan, 28, a young emissary dedicated to fostering Jewish life in the region, was reported missing on November 21, 2024. Three days later, his body was discovered in Al Ain, near the Omani border, sending shockwaves through the Jewish community and beyond.

The tragic loss of the young rabbi, who managed a kosher supermarket in Dubai and played a key role in Jewish outreach, has raised concerns about the safety of Jewish residents and visitors in the Gulf region.

According to reports, the suspects acted under orders from Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and had been tracking Rabbi Kogan’s movements before abducting and killing him. This revelation has heightened tensions in an already sensitive geopolitical landscape.

The UAE’s swift legal response reflects its commitment to justice and the safety of its diverse communities. Emirati authorities have been praised for their decisive action, reinforcing the nation’s stance on security and coexistence.

Rabbi Kogan’s tragic death serves as a solemn reminder of the threats faced by religious minorities and the importance of vigilance in protecting all communities.

However, there is no official confirmation from Emirati authorities.

The IRGC could never function if it relied on annual conscription or allowed the unwilling draftees to access to its modus operandi.

Iranian-Canadian activists fought for a decade to have Canada designate the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization, not to punish its hapless conscripts.

The long calls for listing the IRGC became too loud to ignore in 2022. Thousands of Iranians marched in Canada for weeks, denouncing the guards’ brutality back home, they killed and maim to quell the uprising known by its central chant, Woman Life Freedom.

In April 2023, I helped organize Montreal’s first rally demanding the listing by the Canadian and UK governments. A year later, our efforts bore fruit with Parliament’s unanimous vote supporting the IRGC’s designation as a terrorist entity.

But the triumph that followed after the official listing yielded no solace. Within months, former conscripts were targeted. Branded as IRGC members, they saw their application for permanent residency (PR) denied. Procedural fairness letters piled up.

We had long warned about this and were assured by Canada’s government that the listing would be conducted with precision, ensuring that conscripts would not suffer.

Canada’s prime minister Justin Trudeau confirmed this publicly in a PS752 commemoration day. “We know there is more to do to hold the regime to account and we will continue our work, including continuing to look for ways to responsibly list the IRGC as a terrorist organization.”

The key word was “responsibly”. He signaled that his government understood that the designation could come with complications, particularly for conscripts, and was ready to tackle it.

That’s not how it’s turned out though. The debacle we see today is not what we fought for.

Forsaken at the edge

The listing has left countless individuals in ruins. Their accounts reveal a systemic thoughtlessness that is perpetuating this injustice.

Take Sina, a father of two, denied residency after five years of work in Canada. He was accused of being an IRGC-affiliated university lecturer during his military service. His documents, though, showed he served as a faculty member at Islamic Azad University, fulfilling mandatory service by law.

The irony is that all cards issued to conscripts completing their service in this scheme are categorized under the IRGC branch of Iran’s Military Service Organization. The IRGC’s security-oriented universities like Imam Hussain University, where real associations occur, have faculty who are career IRGC members or state affiliates, their identities largely concealed. The Canadian system, nonetheless, reduces everything to a conscription card, ignoring the realities of compulsory service.

The anatomy of compulsion

Each year, hundreds of thousands are conscripted into a mechanistic system, serving no more than two years. Assignments are normally not known in advance. A prospective conscript may be called to serve in the Army, Police, or IRGC. He would have to endure a few months of rough training followed by many more months of mundane work.

IRGC conscription—not to be mistaken with actual recruitment which leads to membership—is generally less rigorous than other military organizations, exposing the hollow grandeur ascribed to its service.

Mandatory conscription imposes duties on all conscripts, regardless of their past or branch. These typically involve administrative tasks, logistical support, or basic labor, with educated conscripts teaching or assisting in research but excluded from sensitive roles.

The banality of compulsory service is evident in the preferential treatment of those affiliated with the paramilitary Basij, who enjoy months of service reductions. Others, ordinary young men who are assigned to IRGC, are in some ways making up for the Basijis who remain fully active but in their own bases outside the conscription ecosystem.

The IRGC could never function if it relied on annual conscription or allowed the unwilling draftees to access to its modus operandi.

The importance of this fact cannot be overstated: no conscript in Iran qualifies as a member of a military organization in Iran, least of all the IRGC. Many IRGC conscripts are trained in civilian trades such as woodwork or plumbing, just as they do in the Army.

Conscription is a dated, largely unnecessary system, going back to 1925, when Iran wanted to fashion its first modern armed force. Conscripts do not join the IRGC, they are called to do their term. Conflating conscription with membership is wrong—and in Canada, at least, is destroying lives.

IRGC members arise through specialized domains, not brief, menial service often deemed the worst of youths’ lives.

The IRGC operates its own well-established, high-security universities and recruitment centers, with specialized training that prepares loyal individuals for service, be it in the Quds force, Cyber or Aerospace divisions.. To equate these members, the Sepahis, with conscripts who toil for two years to get an end-of-service card that’s required for any job, any transaction, to register marriage even, is a farce bordering on moral bankruptcy.

The Canadian government, long briefed on these matters, bears the responsibility to educate its immigration officers properly.

Guilty until proven innocent

Take another example: Alireza, whose PR application was denied because his two-year conscription with the IRGC was deemed membership. An immigration officer redefined his service as formal affiliation, claiming “membership does not have a temporal element.”

This argument, appearing in many cases, disregards the IRGC’s distinct recruitment process and its separation from mandatory military service. Even the federal court precedents referenced in refusal letters, such as Afanasyev v. Canada, 2012, are tenuous to conscription cases.

In Jalloh v. Canada, 2012, the court stated, “A person cannot be considered a member of a group when his or her involvement with it is based on duress.” That should apply to Alireza and others who had no choice but to do their time with the armed forces. Iran’s compulsory military service is by definition serving under duress.

Masoud, too, faced a refusal rooted in flawed interpretations. Despite detailing his basic training and mundane tasks like checking sign-in sheets, he received a letter that lectured him on the IRGC’s history, followed by a barrage of absurd questions: “If you are no longer involved with the IRGC, when and why did you leave?” or “Did you ever try to escape your duties?”

These betray a limited grasp of military service in Iran and severe punishments deserters face, including the loss of civil rights, acknowledged even in Canadian tribunal records.

Ironically, all those Iranians affected by the IRGC’s designation have declared their service voluntarily, while real IRGC operatives and affiliates—masters of covert operations and false identities—remain untouched. To date, no IRGC career member has been identified or penalized under current nebulous policies.

In refusal letters shared with me the individuals are accused of terrorism by a representative of the Minister of Immigration pursuant to IRPA. Shockingly, the same ministry denies targeting conscripts when speaking to Farsi-speaking outlets, cloaking itself in propaganda despite overwhelming evidence. This travesty, if deliberate, betrays any commitment to fairness and rectitude.

Trudeau’s government cannot feign ignorance of Iran’s conscription ecosystem. For years, advocates and victims laid the truth bare, only to see it dismissed. It is time to bring aspects of this truth to the forefront, demanding a fair reckoning.

The Fight for Redemption

Kaveh Shahrooz, a Canadian lawyer and advocate for listing the IRGC, likens conscripts to hostages of the regime. Freed at last, many are now finding their lives taken hostage again by their innocent past, by an immigration system that purports to be fighting their hostage-takers in Iran.

Some among the Iranian community in Canada—accused of sympathizing with the Islamic Republic—have sought to take advantage of the conscripts’ plight, demanding the removal of its terrorist designation. Former conscripts and families have condemned this move, stressing that they are “innocent individuals forcibly conscripted and enslaved by the IRGC.”

Feeling abandoned by Canada’s Liberal administration, they hope for reprieve through other legislative avenues. Bill C-350, introduced by Conservatives, serves as an example and proposes an exception for conscripts. Thousands have rallied behind it, motivated by Pierre Poilievre’s assurance of protection for those conscripted.

Resolving this issue is crucial for Canada’s standing and could set a precedent for nations like the UK and Australia. Failing to address conscripts’ suffering risks eroding diaspora support, already scarred by the IRGC’s brutality. Should this tragic course continue, there will be only one victor: the IRGC.

True accountability demands Canada hear the voices of innocent conscripts today and confront its failure with integrity and principle.

Mehdi M. Moradi is Canadian-Iranian social activist and journalist. Opinion extracted from Iran International.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

In April, Reuters reported that the U.S. confiscated cargo onboard tanker Suez Rajan, which was carrying Iranian oil at sea. The U.S. statement on Friday confirmed and fleshed out details of the story which cited sources.

The “illicit sale and transport of Iranian oil” violated sanctions targeting Iran, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) said in a statement that for the first time acknowledged its role. A plea agreement between the parties was made public this week.

The vessel was unloaded last month after waiting 2-1/2 months off the coast of Texas to discharge.

The Suez Rajan Ltd company pleaded guilty in April and was sentenced by to three years of corporate probation and a fine of almost $2.5 million, according to legal documents.

Empire Navigation, the operating company of the vessel carrying the contraband cargo, agreed to cooperate and transport the Iranian oil to the United States, the DOJ added, calling it the first criminal resolution to such a sanctions-violating sale.

Empire Navigation, which also incurred the significant expenses associated with the vessel’s voyage to the U.S., did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

“It’s a message to every Iranian smuggler that there is an off ramp from the mob,” said Mark Wallace, chief executive of U.S. advocacy group United Against Nuclear Iran, which uses satellite images to track tanker movement and first noted that the Suez Rajan had taken on the oil from another tanker.

Empire Navigation should be applauded for its cooperation with US authorities, Wallace added.

Participants attempted to disguise the origin of the oil using ship-to-ship transfers, false automatic identification system reporting, falsified documents and other means, the DOJ said, adding that the charterer of the vessel used the U.S. financial system to facilitate the transportation of Iranian oil.

The contraband cargo is now the subject of a civil forfeiture action in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, according to the DOJ.

The forfeiture complaint alleges the oil aboard the vessel is subject to forfeiture based on terrorism and money laundering statutes, the DOJ added. Funds successfully forfeited with a connection to a state sponsor of terrorism may in whole or in part be directed to the U.S. Victims of State Sponsored Terrorism Fund.

Suez Rajan Ltd has agreed to forfeit all interests related to the cargo and waive all challenges, according to legal documents.

Following these blows, Khamenei sought a solution and ended the long-running conflict between the Ministry of Intelligence and IRGC.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Nuclear Corps Command is formed after a long conflict between the Ministry of Intelligence and IRGC, and this stronghold is also taken over by IRGC’s Intelligence division. There are several speculations about the formation of this new organ.

Some media outlets believe that it was done to close security loopholes that the Ministry of Intelligence could not deal with. But another suspicion that seems more believable is to close the security loopholes for maximum secrecy and keep the Mullah regime’s nuclear project expansions out of the eyes of the international community.

From security breaches to the formation of a nuclear corps command

The Iranian government’s nuclear activities have been repeatedly attacked over the years. These attacks were due to penetration in the inner circle of system security.

Radio Farda website reported and listed some of  the blows suffered by Mullahs’ regime: Mojahedin Khalq Organization revelation about Natanz enrichment (2002), theft of a laptop containing military aspects of Iran’s nuclear program (2005), revelation of Fordow underground facilities (2009), “Stuxnet” virus (2010), assassination of figures related to the nuclear program (Years 2006 to 2011), theft of Iran nuclear archives and disclosure of Turquzabad, Jaber Ibn Hayyan laboratory in Lavizan and Marivan site in Abadeh (2018), disclosure of Maziar Ebrahimi’s torture case and showy detentions (2019), Natanz centrifuge hall explosion and Fakhrizadeh assassination (2020), exposing security lies about the assassination of Ardeshir Hossein pour (2020), and explosion at the Natanz power plant (2021).

Following these blows, Khamenei sought a solution and ended the long-running conflict between the Ministry of Intelligence and IRGC. In this regard, with the broadcast of news related to infiltration into the Fordow security system, the formation of the “Command of the Protection and Security of Nuclear Centers” was announced.

In line with this, the Fars state news agency reported that “a network that intended to sabotage the Fordow nuclear facility was arrested by IRGC’s intelligence. Nuclear Corps Command, in cooperation with the IRGC Counterintelligence Command, ‌ was able to prevent one of the major sabotages of the country’s nuclear facilities, as the network tried to carry out its actions before the Nowruz holiday.

Reasons for assigning protection of nuclear sites to IRGC

According to foreign and state media, there was a lot of fighting between IRGC’ s intelligence and the Ministry of Intelligence. The two security agencies accused each other of negligence in protecting the security of nuclear sites.

The result of these disputes was the entry of the Supreme Security Council, which according to its constitution is responsible for determining the limits and protection and security of nuclear centers. The crises between the Ministry of Intelligence and the IRGC were due to the continuing inability of the Mullahs regime’s intelligence services to prevent incidents, theft, and disclose nuclear information. Mullahs’ regime’s intelligence agencies were not capable of closing the security loopholes of nuclear projects. The killing of government nuclear experts, such as the assassination of Ardeshir Hossein pour or Fakhrizadeh, forced the government to cover up security gaps with ridiculous scenarios, but to no avail.

After the explosion in the Natanz power grid, the government’s protection systems woke up and called for extensive changes in the structure of protection of nuclear programs and facilities.

The need to form a Nuclear Corps Command

The Ministry of Intelligence blamed the IRGC for the errors and damage to the security system of nuclear projects, and IRGC blamed the Ministry of Intelligence. In this regard, the Radio Farda website quotes government sources and media as saying, “Mohsen Rezaei, who is currently working as the Deputy President, said that the country is suffering from “security pollution” and that “security cleansing” should be carried out.

Alireza Zakani, the current mayor of Tehran, also said that Iran has become a “paradise for spies”, Fereydoun Abbasi, the former head of the Atomic Energy Organization, also exposed numerous sabotages at the Natanz facility.

Mashreq news website close to IRGC criticized the Ministry of Intelligence’s performance record, and called for the management of such departments to be “out of government management”.

The state-run Fars news agency, on behalf of its audience, headlined “Security of nuclear facilities should be handed over to IRGC”.

Despite these disputes between Khamenei’s security organs, which could not be denied, Gholamreza Jalali, the head of the Passive Defense Organization, announced that due to the inconsistency between the layers of security producing in the “nuclear field”, a plan was submitted to the Supreme National Security Council and approved.

Finally, the state media, that famous show, and bluff have announced the formation of the IRGC’s Nuclear Corps Command, and the Ministry of Intelligence was cut short in this regard, and the protection of nuclear facilities was entrusted to the IRGC. Of course, some informed sources believe that the entry of IRGC in securing nuclear projects will not prevent infiltration and full security will not be established because the weakness of IRGC’s commanders in various fields will open the way for other gaps.

At the same time, handing over the security of nuclear projects to the IRGC is an attempt to close as many loopholes as possible so that Khamenei’s nuclear activities become more hidden and the international community is kept unaware of Mullah’s regime’s nuclear frauds. And finally for Khamenei to reach his ultimate goals out of sight of the international community.

However, the formation of a nuclear corps should be considered a desperate step by Khamenei to close the gaps that can never be closed.

Cyrus Yaqubi is a Research Analyst and Iranian Foreign Affairs Commentator investigating the social issues and economy of the Middle East countries in general and Iran in particular.

The United States was considering such a move, a source familiar with the matter said on Wednesday, in return for Iranian assurances about reining in the elite force and comes amid efforts to revive a 2015 deal under which Iran limited its nuclear program in return for relief from sanctions.

Israel’s prime minister and foreign minister said in a joint statement they “believe that the United States will not abandon its closest allies in exchange for empty promises from terrorists”.

“The Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) is a terrorist organization that has murdered thousands of people, including Americans. We refuse to believe that the United States would remove its designation as a terrorist organization,” they said.

The IRGC is a powerful faction in Iran that controls a business empire as well as elite armed and intelligence forces that Washington accuses of carrying out a global terrorist campaign.

Multiple sources have said dropping the terrorist designation is one of the last, and most vexing, issues in wider indirect talks on reviving the 2015 nuclear deal.