Leadership in India is ultimately not about who you speak for, but about who listens to you.

India is not a country where leadership is inherited; it is earned. Seven decades of electoral history show that Indian voters consistently reward leaders who speak the language of national aspiration rather than narrow community protection.

From the previous leaders’ developmental nationalism to Narendra Modi’s emphasis on growth and national confidence, successful leaders have framed their politics around collective futures, not sectional anxieties. It is within this political reality that Muslim leadership in India has encountered its most enduring limitation.

The Arithmetic of Democracy

Indian Muslims constitute approximately 14.2 percent of the population, according to Census 2011 data. While this makes them the country’s largest religious minority, it also underlines a fundamental truth of Indian democracy: no national election can be won on the strength of a single community.

Parliamentary majorities are built through cross-community coalitions, broad ideological appeal, and narratives that transcend identity. Leadership, therefore, cannot afford to be sectional by design.

Any political vision perceived as speaking primarily for one community—regardless of how genuine or justified its concerns may be—inevitably encounters a ceiling. This is not a reflection of prejudice alone but of electoral mathematics.

The Indian voter, across caste, class, and religion, has historically gravitated toward leaders who articulate shared aspirations such as economic mobility, dignity, infrastructure, and national pride. Community-specific representation may protect interests, but it rarely generates mass leadership capable of shaping the national imagination.

Representation Versus Statesmanship

Post-independence Muslim political leadership has often positioned itself as the custodian of Muslim concerns rather than as an architect of India’s future. The distinction between representation and statesmanship is subtle but decisive. Representation negotiates safeguards; statesmanship defines direction. One speaks defensively, the other expansively.

Political history illustrates this divide clearly. Leaders who foregrounded poverty alleviation, education, industrial growth, and national self-confidence built constituencies that cut across social lines.

By contrast, leadership that focused primarily on identity, protection, and grievance tended to remain confined to predictable vote banks. This pattern has repeated itself across decades and regions. It is not discrimination; it is how democratic incentives operate.

This approach has also shaped narrative choices. Instead of projecting ambition and confidence, Muslim leadership has often highlighted marginalization and deprivation.

While socio-economic challenges are real—documented extensively by the Sachar Committee Report (2006)—politics that continually emphasizes backwardness can unintentionally lower expectations rather than raise confidence. No community in India has produced national leaders by centering weakness; they have done so by projecting strength.

Economic Contribution Without Political Narrative

One of the most underutilized facts in Indian political discourse is the economic role of Indian Muslims. Data from the National Sample Survey Office and various industry studies show disproportionate Muslim participation in small enterprises, handicrafts, transport, retail trade, and urban informal economies.

From leather and textiles to logistics and street-level commerce, Muslim entrepreneurship forms a vital, if under-recognized, component of India’s economic ecosystem.

Yet political leadership has rarely translated this entrepreneurial presence into a forward-looking economic narrative. Instead of framing Muslims as contributors to growth and innovation, leadership discourse has remained stuck in the language of welfare and compensation.

Welfare has its place, but welfare politics alone rarely produces transformational leaders. As survey data from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies repeatedly indicates, Indian youth voters are increasingly driven by aspirations of mobility, skills, and opportunity rather than entitlement alone.

Silence and the Cost of Invisibility

Another uncomfortable reality is the relative absence of Muslim political voices from major national debates on economic reform, technological change, national security, climate policy, or India’s global role. When leadership intervenes only on identity-linked issues, it risks being perceived as reactive rather than visionary. In Indian politics, silence is not neutrality; it is invisibility.

The core truth is straightforward. India has never rejected a leader because of religion. It has rejected leaders who fail to expand their vision beyond religion.

A Muslim leader who champions education over appeasement, growth over dependency, constitutional values over communal rhetoric, and confidence over victimhood will not be seen merely as a Muslim leader. They will be seen as an Indian leader.

Leadership in India is ultimately not about who you speak for, but about who listens to you. When Muslim political leadership begins to speak in a language in which every Indian can locate their future, the question will no longer be why such leaders have not emerged—but why it took so long.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

India’s third most populous state and also one of its poorest, Bihar is ruled by Modi’s National Democratic Alliance and is scheduled to hold an election to its state assembly in the coming weeks.

Women voters have turned out in greater numbers in the past decade, reversing a trend of men easily outnumbering women at the polls, and political parties have competed to attract them.

Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party lost its outright majority in the federal parliament in last year’s national election, forcing him to rely on support from regional allies to form a government after facing a resurgent opposition, and he is currently navigating one of the most challenging stretches of his 11 years in office.

Addressing women gathered in multiple locations in the state, Modi said via video link: “I see millions of women on the screen, and their blessings are a great source of strength for all of us.

“The (women’s employment plan) is being launched today. So far, 7.5 million women have joined this scheme, and an amount of 10,000 rupees has been transferred to the bank accounts of all these women,” he said.

The plan is envisaged as giving support to women to enable their employment in small-scale ventures such as agriculture, handicrafts and other sectors, the Prime Minister’s Office said. Beneficiaries can also avail of additional financial support of up to 200,000 rupees in subsequent phases of the plan.

Modi’s ruling NDA will face the opposition Congress and its allies in Bihar, which is considered a bellwether state, along with neighbouring Uttar Pradesh and the western state of Maharashtra. ($1 = 88.7080 Indian rupees)

Far from empowering Muslims, Akbaruddin’s rhetoric is downright foolish.

In the complex and often combustible landscape of Indian politics, few figures have stirred as much controversy as Akbaruddin Owaisi—the younger brother of Asaduddin Owaisi, head of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), a Muslim-centric political party with influence in southern and parts of northern India.

Akbaruddin became a national—and international—talking point in 2012 when a provocative excerpt from one of his public speeches in Nirmal, Telangana, went viral. In the clip, he is seen declaring: “If the police are removed for 15 minutes, we are 250 million and you are 1 billion. We will show you who is more powerful, who has balls.”

The statement was a blatant threat wrapped in communal arithmetic, referencing the Muslim and Hindu populations of India. The crowd erupted in applause. Shortly afterward, Owaisi was arrested on charges of hate speech, released on bail, and ultimately acquitted in 2022.

But revisiting this case solely as a legal episode misses the point. It is a revealing lens into the enduring toxicity of communal rhetoric in Indian politics—particularly within some segments of the Muslim leadership—where hate is no longer an outlier but a weaponized tool, used across the spectrum to polarize and provoke.

Hate Speech Is Not a One-Way Street

Akbaruddin’s speech stands as one of the clearest examples of hate speech by a Muslim politician in India. It was not vague or symbolic rhetoric aimed at resisting “Muslim oppression,” but a direct provocation against an entire (albeit imaginary) community—articulated through communal arithmetic: 25 crore versus 100 crore.

Ironically, the speech played right into the hands of those it ostensibly opposed. It gave the Hindu Right a moral and political tool: “If Muslim leaders can openly threaten us, why shouldn’t we respond in kind?” In that sense, Owaisi’s speech, like many instances where the idea of Muslim empowerment morphs into rabid communalism, deepened the communal fissures that the ruling dispensation now capitalizes on with its own stream of hate speeches.

Yet, here lies a deeper hypocrisy within sections of the Indian Muslim community. Many Muslims, in private conversations, while disagreeing with AIMIM’s political opportunism, tend to justify Akbaruddin’s words as a symbolic show of resistance—an assertion that “we will not take oppression lying down.” But symbolic resistance through hate speech is a double-edged sword. It only reinforces existing suspicions and increases hostility.

The Dangerous Myth of Communal Arithmetic

The core of Akbaruddin’s speech rests on a fundamentally flawed idea: that Muslims are a monolithic, homogeneous bloc of 25–30 crore standing against 100 crore Hindus.

Nothing could be further from the truth. The Muslim community in India is deeply diverse and internally fractured—across sects, castes, regions, and languages.

Sunni–Shia, Deobandi–Barelvi, and Ashraf–Ajlaf–Arzal divisions are an open secret. The imagined “25 crore Muslims” myth collapses the moment these internal differences are acknowledged—which, in the age of Hindutva, seems conveniently forgotten.

Likewise, the notion of “100 crore Hindus” is equally imaginary. Caste, regional, and linguistic divides among Hindus remain sharp and visible, only temporarily papered over by the Hindutva project. Communalism gives life to these mythical numbers because communal politics thrives on binaries—usually imaginary, always forced.

When Akbaruddin says “15 minutes without police,” he frames the state—particularly the police—as the central oppressor during pogroms. There is some truth to this. The history of riots, from Nellie (1983) to Delhi (2020), shows police complicity or selective inaction. But his imagined scenario is suicidal. If the police disappear and the battle is framed as 30 crore versus 100 crore, it effectively calls for Muslims to engage in self-annihilation.

Three Hindus for every one Muslim—Owaisi’s way of calling for suicide reminds one of the now-famous meme: “Marwana ka tareeqa thoda casual hai.”

Far from empowering Muslims, Akbaruddin’s rhetoric is downright foolish.

The Responsibility to Condemn Across the Board

Akbaruddin Owaisi has made many such remarks, including derogatory statements about Hindu gods—calling them “manhoos” (inauspicious). Imagine if any Hindu politician had used even mildly similar language for Allah or the Prophet—the reaction from Muslims and the media would have been explosive. This asymmetry in moral outrage is dangerous.

It is also telling that his elder brother, Asaduddin Owaisi—otherwise vocal in dissecting Hindu right-wing hate speech—has never meaningfully condemned his brother’s 2012 remarks. This selective silence undermines the moral standing of anyone claiming to fight hate.

If Muslims wish to oppose Hindutva hate speech with credibility, they must also hold their own leaders accountable. Tacit approval or silence emboldens hate-mongers from within, leaving ordinary Muslims to face the consequences of fires lit by their ‘leaders.’

Communalism Is a Two-Edged Sword

The truth is stark: speeches like Akbaruddin Owaisi’s do not protect Muslims. They further communalize Hindus, provide ammunition to the ruling party, and push India’s already fragile social fabric closer to collapse.

Muslims must therefore develop a politics rooted not in reaction, but in principled opposition to all forms of hate. That essentially means condemning both Hindu and Muslim hate speech—without excuses, without bias.

The flames of hate consume the weakest first. Those who light them rarely burn. Let us never forget: hate can never be fought with hate.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Recognizing caste within the Muslim population isn’t a threat to unity; it’s a path toward justice.

In a landmark shift, India’s central government has decided to include caste data in the upcoming national census—the first time such a detailed caste count will take place since 1931. On paper, it’s a technical change. But for millions of India’s most invisible citizens, it’s potentially transformative.

Among those who stand to gain the most are Pasmanda Muslims—a broad umbrella term that includes Dalit, Adivasi, and other backward-class Muslim communities. Despite being the numerical majority among India’s Muslims, Pasmandas have long lived in the shadows of policy, politics, and even community representation.

A recent caste survey in Telangana revealed something telling: nearly 80% of the state’s Muslims belong to Pasmanda backgrounds. It was a statistic that didn’t surprise social scientists or grassroots activists—but it was a rare moment of clarity in a country where Muslim identity is often painted with one broad brushstroke.

That simplification has done real harm. The Indian Muslim is frequently seen as a singular, undivided bloc—one minority, one vote bank, one voice. But that narrative erases the deep social hierarchies and caste divisions within the community itself. And Pasmandas, who bear the brunt of poverty, discrimination, and social exclusion, are the ones who disappear from view.

Within the community, elite Muslim groups—those traditionally seen as Ashraf or upper caste—have dominated platforms of power: political parties, religious boards, cultural institutions, and media narratives. Meanwhile, Pasmandas have remained underrepresented, often struggling with lower literacy rates, poorer healthcare, and fewer job opportunities.

The last significant spotlight on Muslim marginalization came nearly two decades ago, through the Sachar Committee Report in 2006. Its findings were damning: many Muslim groups, especially those from Pasmanda backgrounds, fared worse than Scheduled Castes in key development indicators. Yet the lack of caste-disaggregated data meant that policies based on these findings were broad and ineffective. Everyone got lumped together. And as usual, those at the bottom lost out.

That’s why this new caste census matters. It could offer, for the first time in independent India, a full picture of caste realities within the Muslim community. It could provide a foundation for smarter, more targeted policies—ones that don’t just benefit “Muslims” in general, but specifically uplift those most in need.

It also corrects a historical oversight. During British rule, caste among Muslims was acknowledged and documented. The 1901 and 1931 censuses classified Muslims into categories like Ashraf (nobles), Ajlaf (backward), and Arzal (Dalit or “untouchable”). These categories were crude, but they at least reflected a social truth. After independence, however, India adopted a more homogenized view of its minorities—particularly Muslims—and quietly dropped caste from the conversation.

This erasure wasn’t just bureaucratic. It had real consequences. In 1950, Dalit Muslims lost their eligibility for Scheduled Caste (SC) reservations. To this day, they are denied affirmative action on the basis of caste, despite experiencing the same structural discrimination as their Hindu Dalit counterparts.

Welfare schemes and affirmative policies, designed without acknowledging these internal hierarchies, have repeatedly missed their mark. Upper-caste Muslims—though a minority within the minority—have often been the primary beneficiaries. Pasmandas remain at the margins.

For the upcoming census to make a difference, it must be handled transparently and without political interference. The data should be released in full. No filters. No spin. Only then can it serve as a blueprint for real change.

This isn’t about dividing communities—it’s about understanding them. Recognizing caste within the Muslim population isn’t a threat to unity; it’s a path toward justice. It gives voice to those who have long been ignored and lays the groundwork for more inclusive policies.

For Pasmanda Muslims, this census isn’t just a count. It’s a chance to be seen.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

The logistics of Modi’s schedule further weaken Kharge’s claim. Organizing a high-profile international trip like the Saudi visit requires weeks of preparation, leaving little room for a last-minute Kashmir visit.

In a startling accusation, Mallikarjun Kharge, president of India’s opposition Congress Party, recently claimed that Prime Minister Narendra Modi canceled a planned visit to Kashmir after receiving an intelligence warning three days before the devastating Pahalgam attack on April 22, 2025.

The attack, which killed 26 people, mostly tourists, in the scenic Kashmir valley, sent shockwaves across India and beyond, intensifying regional tensions. Kharge’s allegation, widely shared on platforms like IndiaToday and Beatroot, has ignited controversy, with critics calling it a politically motivated fabrication.

For an international audience seeking clarity, a closer look at the timeline, Modi’s schedule, and the complexities of India’s security landscape reveals a claim that lacks evidence and struggles to hold up.

The Pahalgam Attack: A Brutal Blow

The Pahalgam attack ranks among the deadliest in Jammu and Kashmir in nearly two decades. On April 22, 2025, at 2:30 PM local time, gunmen targeted Hindu tourists in Baisaran meadow, a picturesque spot in the Kashmir valley. The Resistance Front (TRF), a militant group linked to Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba, initially claimed responsibility before retracting its statement due to public backlash.

India accused Pakistan of orchestrating the attack, further straining already tense relations between the nuclear-armed neighbors. The tragedy not only highlighted the fragility of security in Kashmir—a disputed region claimed by both India and Pakistan—but also raised questions about intelligence failures.

Kharge’s claim centers on a specific assertion: Modi received an intelligence report on April 19, 2025, warning of the attack and promptly canceled a planned Kashmir visit to avoid danger. The accusation paints Modi as prioritizing personal safety over leadership in a crisis. But when examined against verifiable facts, the narrative begins to crumble.

Modi’s Schedule: No Trace of a Kashmir Trip

First, let’s consider Modi’s itinerary. On April 19, 2025—the day Kharge alleges Modi was warned—India’s Ministry of External Affairs announced Modi’s upcoming visit to Saudi Arabia, scheduled for April 22–23. Modi arrived in Jeddah on April 22, where he was set to co-chair the second India-Saudi Arabia Strategic Partnership Council meeting, a key diplomatic engagement to strengthen bilateral ties.

When news of the Pahalgam attack broke, Modi cut his visit short, skipping a formal dinner, and returned to New Delhi on April 23 to convene an emergency meeting with top officials, including Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. This timeline, corroborated by global media outlets like The Hindu, shows Modi’s focus was on international diplomacy, not a domestic trip to Kashmir.

No evidence suggests a Kashmir visit was ever planned. Modi’s trips to volatile regions like Kashmir are often unannounced for security reasons, but no government statements, media reports, or credible social media sources indicate a scheduled visit in April 2025.

Modi’s last major Kashmir trip was in January 2025, to the resort town of Sonamarg where he inaugurated the 6.5-kilometer tunnel. Kharge’s claim of a cancellation implies a visit was on the table, but without documentation, it appears speculative. Open-source intelligence platforms, found no mention of a planned Kashmir trip in the days before the attack, undermining Kharge’s narrative.

The Intelligence Puzzle

Kharge’s allegation also hinges on the existence of a specific intelligence report warning of the Pahalgam attack. India’s intelligence agencies, such as the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and the Intelligence Bureau (IB), routinely monitor threats in Kashmir, where militancy remains a persistent challenge.

These reports are highly classified, and specific warnings are rarely made public. This suggests that while general intelligence on militant activity likely existed, a precise warning about the April 22 attack may not have been issued—or was not actionable.

Kharge provides no evidence to support his claim of a specific report. As an opposition leader, his access to classified intelligence would likely come from unofficial channels or leaking buckets, casting doubt on the reliability of his statement. Without corroboration, the claim risks fueling misinformation in a region already fraught with competing narratives.

Modi’s Response: Crisis Management, Not Evasion

Modi’s actions after the attack contrast sharply with Kharge’s portrayal. Upon returning to Delhi, Modi chaired an emergency meeting, condemned the attack as “cowardly,” and vowed to bring the perpetrators to justice, as reported by The Hindu.

His government launched a sweeping response, detaining over 1,500 suspects, demolishing homes of alleged militants, and suspending the Indus Waters Treaty with Pakistan—a 1960 agreement governing shared river resources. Modi even rerouted his return flight to avoid Pakistani airspace, signaling a hardline stance. These measures reflect a leader grappling with a national crisis, not one dodging responsibility by canceling a visit.

The Political Context

To understand Kharge’s claim, it’s crucial to consider India’s domestic politics. The Congress Party has long criticized Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government over its Kashmir policy, particularly the 2019 decision to revoke Article 370, which stripped Jammu and Kashmir of its semi-autonomous status. The BJP touted this move as a path to stability, but the Pahalgam attack challenged that narrative, giving the opposition an opening to question Modi’s leadership.

Kharge’s allegation aligns with this strategy, aiming to portray Modi as detached or negligent. However, without evidence, the claim has drawn backlash, with social media posts on X labeling it “venomous” and accusing Kharge of inadvertently bolstering Pakistan’s narrative—a risky move for Congress’s credibility.

Logistical Realities

The logistics of Modi’s schedule further weaken Kharge’s claim. Organizing a high-profile international trip like the Saudi visit requires weeks of preparation, leaving little room for a last-minute Kashmir visit.

Why It Matters

The Pahalgam attack underscores the enduring volatility of Jammu and Kashmir, a region at the heart of India-Pakistan tensions for decades. Beyond the human toll, the tragedy highlights the challenges of securing a conflict-prone area while navigating geopolitical rivalries. Kharge’s claim, while attention-grabbing, lacks the evidence needed to hold up under scrutiny.

Modi’s documented schedule, the absence of a confirmed Kashmir visit, and the speculative nature of the intelligence report all point to a narrative driven more by political point-scoring than by facts.

For the international community, this episode serves as a reminder of the complexities of India’s internal and external challenges. The focus should remain on addressing the root causes of violence in Kashmir—enhancing security, fostering dialogue, and ensuring justice for victims.

Unsubstantiated claims like Kharge’s, while sparking debate, risk diverting attention from these critical priorities. In a region where truth is often obscured by competing narratives, facts must guide the path forward.

Mossad’s internal communications described Gandhi as a “bitter dynast” allegedly involved in “coordinated efforts” to damage Adani and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

In an explosive revelation with far-reaching geopolitical implications, sources have told Sputnik India that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu personally ordered the country’s spy agency, Mossad, to counter an alleged international campaign aimed at tarnishing the reputation of Indian billionaire Gautam Adani.

This unprecedented operation, codenamed Operation Zeppelin, reportedly included hacking into the personal servers of Indian political strategist and Indian Overseas Congress (IOC) head Sam Pitroda.

According to highly placed sources, Mossad’s intervention was triggered days after the now-infamous Hindenburg Research report released on January 24, 2023, which accused Adani of orchestrating “the largest con in corporate history.” The bombshell wiped off approximately $150 billion from Adani Group’s valuation and led to one of India’s most severe stock market crashes.

Haifa Deal and Israel’s Strategic Concerns

The timing of the Hindenburg report raised alarms in Tel Aviv, occurring just days before Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone (APSEZ) closed a landmark $1.2 billion deal to acquire Haifa Port—Israel’s largest and most strategic shipping hub. Sources told Sputnik India that Netanyahu, present during the finalization of the Haifa deal, raised the issue directly with Adani in a high-level closed-door meeting.

“This report… it is a serious threat to your business, isn’t it?” Netanyahu reportedly asked Adani, who was alone representing his group at the time. Present alongside Netanyahu were key aides, including Eshel Armoni, former Mossad operative and then-chairman of Haifa Port.

Adani’s calm rebuttal—“Not at all. It’s all lies.”—did little to ease Israeli concerns.

Netanyahu, citing the strategic nature of the India-Israel relationship, is believed to have told Adani, “Even if you see no threat, we have to be concerned. If it weakens you, it could sabotage not just this port deal but everything we have worked to build with India.”

According to sources, he described the Hindenburg charges as an “indirect attack” on Israel and assured Adani: “Israel believes in protecting its friends.”

Mossad Launches Operation Zeppelin

Within days, Mossad launched Operation Zeppelin, activating its elite Tzomet (Human Intelligence) and Keshet (Cyber Operations) units. The operation aimed to uncover what Israeli intelligence perceived as a coordinated global effort to derail the Haifa deal and undermine India’s standing.

Targets reportedly included Hindenburg Research’s New York headquarters and its founder Nathan Anderson, who were put under direct surveillance. The operation expanded to monitor hedge funds, activist lawyers, journalists, and political figures allegedly linked to the U.S. Deep State and billionaire George Soros.

One of the most startling aspects of the operation was the cyber intrusion into the Illinois-based residence of Sam Pitroda. Sources claimed that Mossad successfully accessed encrypted chatrooms and backchannel communications allegedly linking senior Indian opposition figures, including Congress MP Rahul Gandhi, to Anderson’s team.

Citing these findings, sources said Mossad’s internal communications described Gandhi as a “bitter dynast” allegedly involved in “coordinated efforts” to damage Adani and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Global Surveillance and Western Media

Mossad’s operations reportedly spanned multiple geographies—ranging from the U.S. and Canada to Europe and Australia. One decrypted email from Anderson, dated September 2023, allegedly confirmed a broader plan: “Nate’s report was just the beginning. More’s coming.”

By January 2024, Adani was privately briefed on the Zeppelin findings by Israeli intelligence operatives in Switzerland. The resulting dossier—spanning 353 pages—accused Western media outlets, USAID, and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) of amplifying anti-Adani narratives.

According to sources, USAID played a “central role” in disseminating disinformation through media channels.

In November 2024, intermediaries linked to Mossad reportedly leaked segments of the dossier to Reuters, Bloomberg, and The Guardian. Only French investigative outlet Mediapart published a report. “Most buried the story,” the sources noted.

Legal Blowback and Political Fallout

The dossier’s release coincided with legal actions against Adani by U.S. agencies, reportedly influenced by Biden administration officials. However, these cases collapsed under scrutiny, and sources say they led to the resignation of U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of New York, Breon Peace.

In December 2024, Adani’s legal team—led by powerhouse firm Quinn Emanuel—sent a seven-page legal threat to Hindenburg Research. A month later, Nathan Anderson allegedly agreed to dissolve Hindenburg in exchange for immunity, which was revoked after Donald Trump assumed office in January 2025.

Congress Responds

India’s main opposition party, Congress, has categorically denied any links to Hindenburg or foreign entities. In a statement, it called the allegations a diversionary tactic to shift attention away from the serious issues raised by the Hindenburg report.

“This is nothing but a smokescreen to protect the ruling party’s corporate allies,” a Congress spokesperson told local media.

If confirmed, the revelations about Operation Zeppelin mark an extraordinary case of transnational intelligence operations being deployed in the defense of private economic interests. It underscores the evolving nexus between geopolitics, corporate interests, and cyber-espionage.

As of now, neither the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office nor Mossad has commented on the allegations. Gautam Adani’s office has also declined to respond to queries from Sputnik India.

This story is developing.

Political discourse is at it’s lowest point in the country, at least in my lifetime. The partisanship bias is unbelievable and people continue to support their side no matter what the evidence, there is no remorse even when they’re proved to have been spreading fake news. This is something that everyone — the parties and the voters/supporters are to be blamed for.

BJP has done a great job at spreading some specific messages with incredibly effective propaganda, and these messages are the primary reason that I can’t support the party anymore. But before we get into any of that, I’d like everyone to understand that no party is totally bad, and no party is totally good. All governments have done some good and messed up on some fronts. This government is no different.

It takes decades and centuries to build systems and nations, the biggest failure I see in BJP is that it has destroyed some great things on very flimsy grounds.

The Good: 

1. Road construction is faster than it was earlier. There has been a change in methodology of counting road length, but even factoring that in it seems to be faster.
2. Electricity connection increased — all villages electrified and people getting electricity for more hours. (Congress did electrify over 5 lakh villages and Modi ji finished the job by connecting the last 18k so, you can weigh the achievement as you like. Similarly the number of hours people get electricity has increased ever since independence, but it might be a larger increase during BJP).
3. Upper level corruption is reduced — no huge cases at the ministerial level as of now (but the same was true of UPA I :/ ). Lower level seems to be about the same with increased amounts, no one seems to be able to control the thanedar, patwari et al.
4. The Swachh Bharat Mission is a definite success — more toilets built than before and Swachhta is something embedded in people’s minds now.
5. UJJWALA Yojana is a great initiative. How many people buy the second cylinder remains to be seen. The first one and a stove was free, but now people need to pay for it. The cost of cylinders has almost doubled since the government took over and now one costs more than Rs. 800.
6. Connectivity for the North East has undoubtedly increased. More trains, roads, flights and most importantly — the region is now discussed in the mainstream news channels.
7. Law and order is reportedly better than it was under regional parties.

Feel free to add achievements you can think of in the comments below, also achievements necessarily have caveats, failures are absolute!

The Bad: 

It takes decades and centuries to build systems and nations, the biggest failure I see in BJP is that it has destroyed some great things on very flimsy grounds.

1. Electoral Bonds — It basically legalizes corruption and allows corporates & foreign powers to just buy our political parties. The bonds are anonymous so if a corporate says I’ll give you an electoral bond of 1,000 crore if you pass this specific policy, there will be no prosecution. There just is no way to establish quid pro quo with an anonymous instrument. This also explains how corruption is reduced at the Ministerial level — it isn’t per file/order, it is now like the US — at the policy level.
2. Planning Commission Reports — this used to be a major source for data. They audited government schemes and stated how things are going. With that gone, there just is no choice but to believe whatever data the government gives you (CAG audits come out after a long time!). NITI Aayog doesn’t have this mandate and is basically a think tank and PR agency. Plan/Non-Plan distinction could be removed without removing this!
3. Misuse of CBI and ED — it is being used for political purposes as far as I can see, but even if it isn’t the fear that these institutions will be unleashed on them if they speak up against anything Modi/Shah related is real. This is enough to kill dissent, an integral component of democracy.
4. Failure to investigate Kalikho Pul’s suicide note, Judge Loya’s death, Sohrabuddin murder, the defense of an MLA accused of Rape who’s relative is accused of killing the girls father and FIR wasn’t registered for over an year..!
5. Demonetization — it failed, but worse is BJP’s inability to accept that it failed. All propaganda of it cutting terror funding, reducing cash, eliminating corruption is just absurd. It also killed off businesses.
6. GST Implementation — Implemented in a hurry and harmed business. Complicated structure, multiple rates on different items, complex filing… Hopefully it’ll stabilize in time, but it did cause harm. Failure to acknowledge that from BJP is extremely arrogant.
7. The messed up foreign policy with pure grandstanding — China has a port in Sri Lanka, huge interests in Bangladesh and Pakistan — we’re surrounded, the failure in Maldives (Indian workers not getting visas anymore because of India’s foreign policy debacle) while Modi ji goes out to foreign countries and keeps saying Indians had no respect in the world before 2014 and now they’re supremely respected (This is nonsense. Indian respect in foreign countries was a direct result of our growing economy and IT sector, it hasn’t improved an ounce because of Modi. Might even have declined due to beef based lynchings, threats to journalists etc.)
8. Failure of schemes and failure to acknowledge/course correct — Sansad Adarsh Gram Yojana, Make In India, Skill Development, Fasal Bima (look at reimbursements — the government is lining the pockets of insurance companies). Failure to acknowledge unemployment and farmers crisis — calling every real issue an opposition stunt.
9. The high prices of Petrol and Diesel — Modi ji and all BJP ministers + supporters criticized Congress for it heavily and now all of them justify the high prices even though crude is cheaper than it was then! Just unacceptable.
10. Failure to engage with the most important basic issues — Education and Healthcare. There is just nothing on education which is the nation’s biggest failure. Quality of government schools has deteriorated over the decades (ASER reports) and no action. They did nothing on Healthcare for 4 years, then Ayushman Bharat was announced — that scheme scares me more than nothing being done. Insurance schemes have a terrible track record and this is going the US route, which is a terrible destination for healthcare (watch Sicko by Michael Moore)!

You can add some and subtract some based on personal understanding of the issue, but this is my assessment. The Electoral Bonds thing is huge and hopefully the SC will strike it down! Every government has some failures and some bad decisions though, the bigger issue I have is more on morals than anything else.

The Ugly:

The real negative of this government is how it has affected the national discourse with a well considered strategy. This isn’t a failure, it’s the plan.

1. It has discredited the media, so now every criticism is brushed off as a journalist who didn’t get paid by BJP or is on the payrolls of Congress. I know several journalists for whom the allegation can’t be true, but more importantly no one ever addresses the accusation or complaint — they just attack the person raising the issue and ignore the issue itself.
2. It has peddled a narrative that nothing happened in India in 70 years. This is patently false and the mentality is harmful to the nation. This government spent over Rs. 4,000 crore of our taxpayer money on advertisements and now that will become the trend. Do small works and huge branding. He isn’t the first one to build roads — some of the best roads I’ve traveled on were pet projects of Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav. India became an IT powerhouse from the 90s. It is easy to measure past performance and berate past leaders based on the circumstances of today, just one example of that:

Why did Congress not build toilets in 70 years? They couldn’t even do something so basic. This argument sounds logical and I believed it too, until I started reading India’s history. When we gained independence in 1947 we were an extremely poor country, we didn’t have the resources for even basic infrastructure and no capital. To counteract this PM Nehru went down the socialist path and created PSU’s. We had no capacity to build steel, so with the help of Russians the Heavy Engineering Corporation (HEC), Ranchi was set up that made machines to make steel in India — without this we would have no steel, and consequently no infrastructure. That was the agenda — basic industries and infra. We had frequent droughts (aakaal), every 2–3 years and a large number of people starved to death. The priority was to feed the people, toilets were a luxury no one cared for. The Green Revolution happened and the food shortages disappeared by the 1990s — now we have a surplus problem. The toilet situation is exactly like people asking 25 years from now why Modi couldn’t make all houses in India air conditioned. That seems like a luxury today, toilets were also a luxury at some point of time. Maybe things could have happened sooner, maybe 10–15 years ago, but nothing happened in 70 years is a horrible lie to peddle.

3. The spread and reliance on Fake News. There is some anti-BJP fake news too, but the pro-BJP and anti-opposition fake news outstrips that by miles in number and in reach. Some of it is supporters, but a lot of it comes from the party. It is often hateful and polarizing, which makes it even worse. The online news portals backed by this government are damaging society more than we know.
4. Hindu khatre mein hai — they’ve ingrained it into the minds of people that Hindus and Hinduism are in danger, and that Modi is the only option to save ourselves. In reality Hindus have been living the same lives much before this government and nothing has changed except people’s mindset. Were we Hindus in danger in 2007? At least I didn’t hear about it everyday and I see no improvement in the condition of Hindus, just more fear mongering and hatred.
5. Speak against the government and you’re anti-National and more recently, anti-Hindu. Legitimate criticism of the government is shut up with this labeling. Prove your nationalism, sing Vande Mataram everywhere (even though BJP leaders don’t know the words themselves, they’ll force you to sing it!). I’m a proud nationalist and my nationalism won’t allow me to let anyone force me to showcase it! I will sing the national anthem and national song with pride when the occasion calls for it, or when I feel like it, but I won’t let anyone force me to sing it based on their whims!
6. Running news channels that are owned by BJP leaders who’s sole job is to debate Hindu-Muslim, National-Antinational, India-Pakistan and derail the public discourse from issues and logic into polarizing emotions. You all know exactly which ones, and you all even know the debaters who’re being rewarded for spewing the vilest propaganda.
7. The polarization — the message of development is gone. BJP’s strategy for the next election is polarization and inciting pseudo nationalism. Modi ji has basically said it himself in speeches — Jinnah; Nehru; Congress leaders didn’t meet Bhagat Singh in jail (fake news from the PM himself!); INC leaders met leaders in Pakistan to defeat Modi in Gujarat; Yogi ji’s speech on how Maharana Pratap was greater than Akbar; JNU students are anti-national they’ll #TukdeTukdeChurChur India — this is all propaganda constructed for a very specific purpose — polarize and win elections — it isn’t the stuff I want to be hearing from my leaders and I refuse to follow anyone who is willing to let the nation burn in riots for political gain.

These are just some of the instances of how BJP is pushing the national discourse in a dark corner. This isn’t something I signed up for and it totally isn’t something I can support. That is why I am resigning from BJP.

PS: I supported BJP since 2013 because Narendra Modi ji seemed like a ray of hope for India and I believed in his message of development — that message and the hope are now both gone. The negatives of this Narendra Modi and Amit Shah government now outweigh the positives for me, but that is a decision that every voter needs to make individually. Just know that history and reality are complicated. Buying into simplistic propaganda and espousing cult like unquestioning faith are the worst thing you can do — it is against the interests of democracy and of this nation.

You all have your own decisions to make as the elections approach. Best of luck with that. My only hope is that we can all live and work harmoniously together — and contribute towards making a better, stronger, poverty-free and developed India, no matter what party or ideology we support. Always remember that there are good people on both sides, the voter needs to support them and they need to support each other even when they are in different parties.

Article first published on Shivam Shankar Singh’s Medium account.

Shivan Shankar Singh did Licensure and Master’s Program (LAMP) 2015–16 from University of Michigan Economics, 2015.