Leadership in India is ultimately not about who you speak for, but about who listens to you.

India is not a country where leadership is inherited; it is earned. Seven decades of electoral history show that Indian voters consistently reward leaders who speak the language of national aspiration rather than narrow community protection.

From the previous leaders’ developmental nationalism to Narendra Modi’s emphasis on growth and national confidence, successful leaders have framed their politics around collective futures, not sectional anxieties. It is within this political reality that Muslim leadership in India has encountered its most enduring limitation.

The Arithmetic of Democracy

Indian Muslims constitute approximately 14.2 percent of the population, according to Census 2011 data. While this makes them the country’s largest religious minority, it also underlines a fundamental truth of Indian democracy: no national election can be won on the strength of a single community.

Parliamentary majorities are built through cross-community coalitions, broad ideological appeal, and narratives that transcend identity. Leadership, therefore, cannot afford to be sectional by design.

Any political vision perceived as speaking primarily for one community—regardless of how genuine or justified its concerns may be—inevitably encounters a ceiling. This is not a reflection of prejudice alone but of electoral mathematics.

The Indian voter, across caste, class, and religion, has historically gravitated toward leaders who articulate shared aspirations such as economic mobility, dignity, infrastructure, and national pride. Community-specific representation may protect interests, but it rarely generates mass leadership capable of shaping the national imagination.

Representation Versus Statesmanship

Post-independence Muslim political leadership has often positioned itself as the custodian of Muslim concerns rather than as an architect of India’s future. The distinction between representation and statesmanship is subtle but decisive. Representation negotiates safeguards; statesmanship defines direction. One speaks defensively, the other expansively.

Political history illustrates this divide clearly. Leaders who foregrounded poverty alleviation, education, industrial growth, and national self-confidence built constituencies that cut across social lines.

By contrast, leadership that focused primarily on identity, protection, and grievance tended to remain confined to predictable vote banks. This pattern has repeated itself across decades and regions. It is not discrimination; it is how democratic incentives operate.

This approach has also shaped narrative choices. Instead of projecting ambition and confidence, Muslim leadership has often highlighted marginalization and deprivation.

While socio-economic challenges are real—documented extensively by the Sachar Committee Report (2006)—politics that continually emphasizes backwardness can unintentionally lower expectations rather than raise confidence. No community in India has produced national leaders by centering weakness; they have done so by projecting strength.

Economic Contribution Without Political Narrative

One of the most underutilized facts in Indian political discourse is the economic role of Indian Muslims. Data from the National Sample Survey Office and various industry studies show disproportionate Muslim participation in small enterprises, handicrafts, transport, retail trade, and urban informal economies.

From leather and textiles to logistics and street-level commerce, Muslim entrepreneurship forms a vital, if under-recognized, component of India’s economic ecosystem.

Yet political leadership has rarely translated this entrepreneurial presence into a forward-looking economic narrative. Instead of framing Muslims as contributors to growth and innovation, leadership discourse has remained stuck in the language of welfare and compensation.

Welfare has its place, but welfare politics alone rarely produces transformational leaders. As survey data from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies repeatedly indicates, Indian youth voters are increasingly driven by aspirations of mobility, skills, and opportunity rather than entitlement alone.

Silence and the Cost of Invisibility

Another uncomfortable reality is the relative absence of Muslim political voices from major national debates on economic reform, technological change, national security, climate policy, or India’s global role. When leadership intervenes only on identity-linked issues, it risks being perceived as reactive rather than visionary. In Indian politics, silence is not neutrality; it is invisibility.

The core truth is straightforward. India has never rejected a leader because of religion. It has rejected leaders who fail to expand their vision beyond religion.

A Muslim leader who champions education over appeasement, growth over dependency, constitutional values over communal rhetoric, and confidence over victimhood will not be seen merely as a Muslim leader. They will be seen as an Indian leader.

Leadership in India is ultimately not about who you speak for, but about who listens to you. When Muslim political leadership begins to speak in a language in which every Indian can locate their future, the question will no longer be why such leaders have not emerged—but why it took so long.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

The decision comes at a politically sensitive time, months ahead of key state elections and as Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s party works to consolidate support after losing its outright majority in the 2024 general election.

Nabin, a five-time legislator, was elected unopposed at the party headquarters in New Delhi after his name was proposed by Modi and senior leaders.

Hundreds of party workers gathered to witness the ceremony as Nabin took the oath of office, replacing outgoing president J.P. Nadda, who is 65.

The leadership change signals an effort by the BJP to project renewal and energy while retaining its ideological continuity under Modi’s influence.

Prime Minister Modi, addressing party members during the event, emphasized discipline and organizational unity, describing himself as a worker within the party structure and acknowledging Nabin as his superior in organizational terms.

The remark was widely seen as symbolic, reinforcing the BJP’s long-standing emphasis on cadre-based hierarchy while publicly endorsing the new president’s authority. Nabin, in his address, praised Modi’s leadership and called on young Indians to engage more actively in politics and governance.

The elevation of Nabin comes as demographic realities increasingly shape India’s electoral landscape. Analysts estimate that more than 40 percent of India’s electorate is between the ages of 18 and 39, making youth voters a decisive force in national and state elections.

The BJP’s leadership appears keenly aware that sustaining long-term dominance will require leaders who can connect with younger voters on issues such as employment, education, digital governance, and aspirations for upward mobility.

The move also carries strategic significance ahead of state elections, including in West Bengal, a key eastern state where the BJP has invested heavily but has yet to form a government.

By choosing a president from Bihar, one of India’s poorest and most populous states, the party is signaling an intent to strengthen its grassroots outreach in eastern India, a region seen as crucial for future electoral expansion.

Nabin’s rise reflects the BJP’s broader attempt to balance continuity with change. While Modi remains the central figure shaping policy direction and campaign messaging, the induction of a younger party chief allows the BJP to showcase internal mobility and generational transition.

Party insiders say Nabin’s organizational experience and reputation as a disciplined worker were key factors behind his selection.

The leadership reshuffle follows a mixed electoral period for the BJP. In the 2024 general election, the party suffered a setback when it failed to secure a majority on its own after a decade of single-party dominance, forcing it to rely on regional allies to form the government.

Since then, however, the BJP has regained momentum by winning several state and local elections, and it currently governs, either directly or through allies, in 19 of India’s 28 states.

Political observers note that the choice of a relatively low-profile leader could work to the party’s advantage, allowing Nabin to grow into the role without being perceived as a rival power center.

His three-year term is expected to focus on organizational strengthening, election preparedness, and youth outreach, all while aligning closely with Modi’s political vision.

As India’s political environment becomes more competitive and voter expectations evolve, the BJP’s decision to appoint its youngest president underscores a calculated effort to adapt without disrupting its core leadership structure.

Whether this generational signal translates into sustained youth support will be closely watched in the upcoming electoral contests.

VHP President Alok Kumar emphasized India’s longstanding commitment to democratic values, urging communities to engage responsibly in civic activities. “It is essential that demonstrations are conducted within legal frameworks and do not disrupt public life,” Kumar said. Highlighting recent incidents during Milad-un-Nabi processions, he called on citizens to exercise caution and cooperate with authorities to maintain public safety.

The AIMPLB’s “Save Waqf Campaign” plans nationwide activities on October 3, including limited shop closures and peaceful marches to prominent government offices, such as Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi and Raj Bhavans across various state capitals. While some online platforms have referred to these events as Bharat Bandh, the VHP stressed that any public mobilization must remain non-violent and respectful of India’s democratic institutions.

Addressing the international community, Kumar noted that India has historically managed social and political debates through dialogue and legal channels rather than unrest. He underscored the importance of ensuring that public demonstrations do not influence judicial proceedings and that the Supreme Court’s role in overseeing legal challenges remains respected.

The VHP’s statement signals a broader message to the global audience: India continues to uphold civic responsibility and democratic integrity even amid politically sensitive debates. By encouraging peaceful demonstrations, the organization seeks to demonstrate that Indian communities value social harmony, legal compliance, and collaboration with authorities.

This approach also reassures foreign observers and international media that India’s legal and democratic frameworks are resilient. With millions of citizens engaging in public discourse and organized activism, India demonstrates that civic participation and national security can coexist, serving as a model for democratic societies worldwide.

Kumar concluded with an appeal to communities across India to act responsibly, respect the law, and foster constructive dialogue during moments of social and legal debate. The VHP reinforced that unity, patience, and lawful civic engagement are crucial to strengthening India’s democratic fabric and maintaining social stability.

Far from empowering Muslims, Akbaruddin’s rhetoric is downright foolish.

In the complex and often combustible landscape of Indian politics, few figures have stirred as much controversy as Akbaruddin Owaisi—the younger brother of Asaduddin Owaisi, head of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), a Muslim-centric political party with influence in southern and parts of northern India.

Akbaruddin became a national—and international—talking point in 2012 when a provocative excerpt from one of his public speeches in Nirmal, Telangana, went viral. In the clip, he is seen declaring: “If the police are removed for 15 minutes, we are 250 million and you are 1 billion. We will show you who is more powerful, who has balls.”

The statement was a blatant threat wrapped in communal arithmetic, referencing the Muslim and Hindu populations of India. The crowd erupted in applause. Shortly afterward, Owaisi was arrested on charges of hate speech, released on bail, and ultimately acquitted in 2022.

But revisiting this case solely as a legal episode misses the point. It is a revealing lens into the enduring toxicity of communal rhetoric in Indian politics—particularly within some segments of the Muslim leadership—where hate is no longer an outlier but a weaponized tool, used across the spectrum to polarize and provoke.

Hate Speech Is Not a One-Way Street

Akbaruddin’s speech stands as one of the clearest examples of hate speech by a Muslim politician in India. It was not vague or symbolic rhetoric aimed at resisting “Muslim oppression,” but a direct provocation against an entire (albeit imaginary) community—articulated through communal arithmetic: 25 crore versus 100 crore.

Ironically, the speech played right into the hands of those it ostensibly opposed. It gave the Hindu Right a moral and political tool: “If Muslim leaders can openly threaten us, why shouldn’t we respond in kind?” In that sense, Owaisi’s speech, like many instances where the idea of Muslim empowerment morphs into rabid communalism, deepened the communal fissures that the ruling dispensation now capitalizes on with its own stream of hate speeches.

Yet, here lies a deeper hypocrisy within sections of the Indian Muslim community. Many Muslims, in private conversations, while disagreeing with AIMIM’s political opportunism, tend to justify Akbaruddin’s words as a symbolic show of resistance—an assertion that “we will not take oppression lying down.” But symbolic resistance through hate speech is a double-edged sword. It only reinforces existing suspicions and increases hostility.

The Dangerous Myth of Communal Arithmetic

The core of Akbaruddin’s speech rests on a fundamentally flawed idea: that Muslims are a monolithic, homogeneous bloc of 25–30 crore standing against 100 crore Hindus.

Nothing could be further from the truth. The Muslim community in India is deeply diverse and internally fractured—across sects, castes, regions, and languages.

Sunni–Shia, Deobandi–Barelvi, and Ashraf–Ajlaf–Arzal divisions are an open secret. The imagined “25 crore Muslims” myth collapses the moment these internal differences are acknowledged—which, in the age of Hindutva, seems conveniently forgotten.

Likewise, the notion of “100 crore Hindus” is equally imaginary. Caste, regional, and linguistic divides among Hindus remain sharp and visible, only temporarily papered over by the Hindutva project. Communalism gives life to these mythical numbers because communal politics thrives on binaries—usually imaginary, always forced.

When Akbaruddin says “15 minutes without police,” he frames the state—particularly the police—as the central oppressor during pogroms. There is some truth to this. The history of riots, from Nellie (1983) to Delhi (2020), shows police complicity or selective inaction. But his imagined scenario is suicidal. If the police disappear and the battle is framed as 30 crore versus 100 crore, it effectively calls for Muslims to engage in self-annihilation.

Three Hindus for every one Muslim—Owaisi’s way of calling for suicide reminds one of the now-famous meme: “Marwana ka tareeqa thoda casual hai.”

Far from empowering Muslims, Akbaruddin’s rhetoric is downright foolish.

The Responsibility to Condemn Across the Board

Akbaruddin Owaisi has made many such remarks, including derogatory statements about Hindu gods—calling them “manhoos” (inauspicious). Imagine if any Hindu politician had used even mildly similar language for Allah or the Prophet—the reaction from Muslims and the media would have been explosive. This asymmetry in moral outrage is dangerous.

It is also telling that his elder brother, Asaduddin Owaisi—otherwise vocal in dissecting Hindu right-wing hate speech—has never meaningfully condemned his brother’s 2012 remarks. This selective silence undermines the moral standing of anyone claiming to fight hate.

If Muslims wish to oppose Hindutva hate speech with credibility, they must also hold their own leaders accountable. Tacit approval or silence emboldens hate-mongers from within, leaving ordinary Muslims to face the consequences of fires lit by their ‘leaders.’

Communalism Is a Two-Edged Sword

The truth is stark: speeches like Akbaruddin Owaisi’s do not protect Muslims. They further communalize Hindus, provide ammunition to the ruling party, and push India’s already fragile social fabric closer to collapse.

Muslims must therefore develop a politics rooted not in reaction, but in principled opposition to all forms of hate. That essentially means condemning both Hindu and Muslim hate speech—without excuses, without bias.

The flames of hate consume the weakest first. Those who light them rarely burn. Let us never forget: hate can never be fought with hate.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

As Telangana heads toward local elections, a caste-blind political consensus continues to marginalize the Muslim majority within its own minority.

In India’s southern state of Telangana, a political drama is quietly unfolding — one that exposes the complex and often uncomfortable intersections of religion, caste, and electoral opportunism. As the state prepares for its local body elections expected in late summer 2025, a critical segment of the Muslim population — the Pasmanda community — is once again confronting political invisibility.

Comprising 81% of Telangana’s Muslim population, Pasmanda Muslims represent a mosaic of historically marginalized occupational groups — from butchers and barbers to weavers and tanners. Yet, despite their demographic dominance and backward caste status, they remain conspicuously absent from political leadership and policy-making. Their plight offers a telling glimpse into how electoral democracies can fail the very majorities they claim to represent.

A Demographic Power with Political Silence

India is often celebrated as the world’s largest democracy. But democracy, in form, doesn’t always guarantee inclusivity in substance. In Telangana, Muslims make up roughly 12.56% of the population, and within them, Pasmanda groups are the overwhelming majority. However, representation in political parties, legislative bodies, and even local governance structures remains disproportionately skewed in favor of elite Ashraf Muslims — a minority within the minority.

This disconnect is not merely symbolic; it has tangible socio-economic consequences. Pasmanda communities are consistently ranked among the poorest, least educated, and most job-insecure segments in Indian society. But when it comes to political alliances and candidate selections, their voice is rarely heard.

Congress and the Illusion of Social Justice

The ruling Congress Party, which reclaimed power in Telangana in 2023, has made significant overtures toward caste equity. It recently released long-demanded caste census data and expanded reservations for Backward Classes (BC) in local body elections to 42%. On paper, these are progressive steps.

But the devil lies in the details — or rather, in their absence. While Pasmanda Muslims are classified under BC, no sub-quota or reserved seat allocations have been announced. The risk? That dominant caste groups — both Hindu and Muslim — will continue to monopolize the benefits, leaving Pasmandas with little more than symbolic inclusion.

For a party that brands itself as the custodian of social justice, the refusal to institutionalize representation for the numerically largest Muslim group reeks of electoral calculus, not ideological conviction.

AIMIM: A Partner or a Gatekeeper?

Further complicating matters is Congress’s increasing alignment with the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), a Hyderabad-based Muslim party led by the influential Owaisi family. While AIMIM positions itself as the voice of Indian Muslims, critics argue that its leadership — drawn from Ashraf elites — has shown little appetite for addressing internal caste disparities within the Muslim community.

To many Pasmanda activists, the Congress-AIMIM partnership is not a bridge but a barrier. It effectively outsources Muslim political representation to a party that has historically sidelined backward caste Muslims. The result? A political paradox in which the Muslim majority within Telangana’s Muslims is structurally locked out of power, even in elections meant to empower the grassroots.

BJP’s Pasmanda Rhetoric: Inclusion in the North, Exclusion in the South

At the national level, India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has launched an aggressive campaign to court Pasmanda Muslims, particularly in northern states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has invoked their historical marginalization in multiple speeches, presenting the BJP as a party that transcends religious lines in its fight against caste inequality.

Yet in Telangana, the BJP sings a different tune. Its state unit has vehemently opposed the inclusion of Pasmanda Muslims in the BC list, citing religious objections. This double standard not only undermines the central leadership’s narrative but also exposes a deeper contradiction — one where caste equality is conditional upon geography and political expedience.

Pasmanda Voices: Demanding Justice, Not Charity

From within the community, frustration is mounting. Mohammed Shabbeer, working president of a Pasmanda advocacy group, puts it plainly: “Numbers mean nothing without representation. Congress hides behind broad quotas, and BJP hides behind religious lines. Neither wants to genuinely empower us.”

Shukuroddin, who leads an association representing backward Muslim groups like the Dudekulas and Noorbash, echoes this sentiment: “We are always good enough to vote, but never good enough to lead. This isn’t inclusion — it’s electoral exploitation.”

These voices don’t demand charity. They demand justice — a fair share of political space in accordance with their demographic reality.

The Global Lens: Why This Story Matters

For an international audience watching India’s democratic evolution, the Pasmanda issue is more than a local or sectarian squabble. It’s a case study in how caste hierarchies can fracture even ostensibly unified religious identities. It is also a reminder that marginalization operates in layers — and that the language of rights must reach beyond majoritarian binaries of Hindu and Muslim.

In a world grappling with the politics of inclusion — from African-Americans in the U.S. to migrant communities in Europe — the Pasmanda struggle adds a uniquely South Asian dimension to a global conversation.

Will the Cycle Finally Break?

As Telangana moves toward local elections, the answer to whether Pasmanda Muslims will finally gain real representation is far from clear. What is clear, however, is that continued silence — both institutional and electoral — will only deepen existing fissures.

Democracy thrives not merely on votes, but on voice. Unless Telangana’s political parties are willing to recognize the latter, the largest segment of its Muslim population will remain politically invisible — again.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Indian Muslims are not just part of India’s future. They are helping to create it.

A popular narrative aggressively pushed in the international media is that Indian Muslims are oppressed, unsafe, and voiceless. Unfortunately, many—both within and outside India—still buy into this rusted propaganda. It paints a bleak picture of victimhood and exclusion, often ignoring the lived realities and actual progress of Muslims across the country.

But beyond this outdated and politically motivated narrative lies a far brighter, bolder, and more grounded truth: Indian Muslims are not just surviving—they are thriving. From civic activism in Delhi’s Seelampur to entrepreneurship in Bengaluru, from World Cup victories to legal advocacy, Muslims across India are shaping their identity through education, democratic participation, innovation, and resilience.

Community Participation: Grassroots Power and Local Leadership

From narrow lanes to open fields, from rural bastis to urban settlements, Muslim communities are quietly but powerfully transforming their surroundings. In places like Seelampur in Delhi, Kishanganj in Bihar, and parts of Hyderabad and Bengaluru, locals are coming together to run evening schools, healthcare camps, and vocational training centers.

What makes this effort remarkable is its community-led nature. Whether it’s women teaching literacy in local madrasas, youth groups spreading digital awareness, or NGOs providing scholarships, Muslims are choosing action over apathy, proving that true change begins from within. These initiatives show how local efforts can create national impact, and how compassion, unity, and service define real leadership.

Across India, Muslims are participating in democracy with greater conviction and clarity. From voting in record numbers to contesting panchayat, municipal, and state elections, the community is increasingly aware that political engagement is empowerment.

Parties like the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) in Kerala and All India United Democratic Front [AIUDF]  in Assam have long reflected strong regional aspirations. Meanwhile, new political energies are rising, with youth-led forums, independent candidates, and Pasmanda coalitions pushing for inclusive representation.

Rather than being boxed into stereotypes or reduced to a “vote bank,” Muslims today are asserting their place in politics as equal stakeholders in the Indian democratic project.

Socio-Economic Growth: A Quiet Revolution

Despite socio-economic challenges, Indian Muslims are turning adversity into opportunity. Across the country, young Muslims are breaking generational barriers, entering fields like technology, law, medicine, digital media, and entrepreneurship. Startups run by Muslims in Bengaluru and Hyderabad are making headlines, while artisans from Kashmir to Tamil Nadu are reviving traditional crafts with global flair.

Pasmanda Muslims in particular are embracing change with boldness – sending their children to school, seeking skill-based jobs, and tapping into government and private opportunities. The growth of community microfinance, women-run cooperatives, and online learning platforms is enabling them to step into a new era of progress with confidence.

This quiet revolution is powered by faith, family, education, and a determination to create a better tomorrow.

From bustling marketplaces to tech startups, Muslim entrepreneurs are innovating, building, and thriving. Their businesses, be it in food, textiles, fashion, or digital spaces blend traditional skills with modern innovation, creating employment and preserving cultural legacies.

More Muslim women and youth are entering business with confidence, supported by community-led initiatives and digital platforms. Their success stories are inspiring and show that talent and hard work know no barriers. Muslim entrepreneurs are not just economic contributors, they’re culture-keepers, job creators, and visionaries building a better tomorrow.

Civic Participation: Youth, Women, and New Voices Rising

Indian Muslims are no longer waiting to be included-they are making space for themselves. From campus activism to legal advocacy, from media awareness campaigns to environmental initiatives, Muslim youth are at the forefront of civic change. Students from institutions like Jamia Millia Islamia and  Aligarh Muslim university, are building coalitions across communities to protect constitutional values and ensure everyone’s voice is heard.

Indian Muslim women are leading too — organizing health awareness drives, running schools, and becoming lawyers, entrepreneurs, and elected representatives. Their courage is reshaping the narrative and inspiring future generations to aim higher.

In stadiums across the nation, Indian Muslims are not only participating in sports, they are excelling, inspiring, and breaking barriers. Their achievements are rewriting narratives and reaffirming that talent knows no religion, only determination and dreams.

Take the example of Mohammed Shami, whose breathtaking performance in the 2023 Cricket World Cup was not just about wickets — it became a symbol of national pride. From humble beginnings in Uttar Pradesh to becoming India’s strike bowler, Shami’s journey inspired millions, transcending religious divides and uniting cricket fans across communities.

Alongside him, Mohammed Siraj has emerged as a fast-bowling force, celebrated not just for his talent, but for his emotional journey, including his tribute to his late father during India’s historic win in Australia.

In tennis, Sania Mirza stands as an icon of women’s empowerment and sporting excellence. As a Muslim woman who dominated global tennis rankings while proudly embracing her identity, Sania has become a role model for girls across India — especially from minority communities — proving that boundaries are meant to be broken.

Young Muslim athletes are also rising in sports like football, wrestling, boxing, and athletics. Across Kashmir, Kerala, Hyderabad, and West Bengal, local tournaments often spotlight Muslim talents, many of whom come from modest backgrounds and dream of representing India on the world stage. Academies and training camps run in community centers and minority-dominated areas are nurturing these dreams, showing how access and encouragement can change lives.

Importantly, young Muslim women are claiming their space in the sporting world too. Initiatives like Girls Kick Football Academy , and rising stars in boxing like Tabassum Pasha, are leading a quiet revolution – challenging stereotypes, inspiring the next generation, and reminding the nation that the future of Indian sports lies in its diversity.

In every sprint, serve, and six, these athletes reflect a spirit of resilience and unity. Their stories remind us that sports, at its best, mirrors the country we aspire to be — inclusive, aspirational, and full of heart.

Representation: From Silence to Strength

For too long, the question of Muslim representation in India was limited to numbers. But today, it is about voice, visibility, and value. Whether in law courts, newsrooms, legislatures, or classrooms, Muslims are demanding and gaining spaces that reflect their realities and ambitions.

What’s heartening is that the new wave of leadership is not confined to religion or identity alone. It is intersectional, inclusive, and idea-driven. From Pasmanda activists to Hindu-Muslim coalitions, from Muslim women’s rights defenders to secular regional parties: the message is clear: Muslims are no longer on the margins. They are shaping the center.

India’s Muslim community, with its rich cultural legacy and youthful energy, is moving forward with purpose and pride. They are not just surviving, they are building, learning, leading, and contributing to the national vision of progress and pluralism.

As this vibrant community continues to dream, organize, and uplift one another, one truth becomes more visible than ever: Indian Muslims are not just part of India’s future. They are helping to create it.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Only then will Muslims cease to be ruled in the name of fear—and start living as full citizens of a republic they help build every day.

Since 2014, Indian Muslims have been caught in a spiral of fear and political confusion. The Bharatiya Janata Party’s ascent to power was, for many, a moment of rupture—a decisive break from the past. The party that had once taken responsibility for the demolition of the 16th-century Babri Masjid was now ruling from the centre. The wound of 1992, which forever communalized India’s political terrain, had now translated into a permanent sense of existential siege for Muslims.

In this atmosphere, Muslim anxieties have increasingly turned toward one phrase: “leadership”. A leadership that would represent them, defend their interests, articulate their pain, and resist the Hindutva offensive. But what exactly is “Muslim leadership”? Who defines it, and on what grounds? What are its aims? These questions remain unanswered.

Muslim Leadership: A Floating Signifier

Today, to speak of Muslim leadership is to walk into a semantic maze. Does it mean clerical authority? Electoral representation? Civil society mobilisation? Each comes with its own contradictions.

Groups like the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH), Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), and All India Masjlid Ittehad-ul-Muslieen (AIMIM) represent sharply divergent visions of Muslim politics—religiously, regionally, and ideologically. The aspirations of an AIMIM voter in Hyderabad may carry no resonance in Kerala’s IUML strongholds or in the doctrinally distinct spaces of Jamaat. There is no singular “Muslim aspiration”. The imagined unity of the ummah dissolves the moment it is brought into contact with India’s vast regional, sectarian, and linguistic diversities.

Since the demolition of Babri Masjid, a deep sense of alienation and hyper politicisation has festered among Indian Muslims. Meanwhile, the state has since encouraged a version of “Muslim politics” that is either wholly apolitical (clergy-centric), tokenistic (electing a few symbolic figures), or hyper-nationalist (Muslims defending the Constitution louder than anyone else)  leaving virtually no space for any other form of articulation.

Crisis of Representation 

India’s secular-liberal intelligentsia has also contributed to the crisis. They have internalised the logic that Muslims must only be represented by Muslims—an echo of the very communal logic that partitioned the subcontinent. This view romanticises identity but ignores class, ideology, and material politics. It reduces Muslims to religious subjects rather than complex social actors.

This has led to a strange tolerance for performative religiosity among Muslim representatives. A Muslim Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) can openly celebrate Hindu festivals or avoid raising Muslim concerns altogether, and yet face no criticism—because their mere presence is deemed sufficient. As long as someone with a Muslim name occupies a post, the job is assumed done. This is not representation—it is throwing some crumbs so one of the them could sit amongst one of them.

Moreover, if Muslims demand their own leadership, can Hindus not do the same? Can the majority not claim the same right to religious self-organisation? This contradiction is rarely acknowledged. The logic of communal representation, if applied consistently, would end secular democracy altogether. It would lead us back to the very framework that justified Partition: that Hindus and Muslims are two separate nations.

Leadership or Reaction? The Crisis of Political Imagination

Muslim leadership today is primarily reactive. It is shaped by Hindutva offensives and often exists only as their mirror image. If a bill is passed against Waqf properties, the one who tears it up in the legislature is seen as a leader. If a mosque is threatened, the one who files a PIL becomes the saviour. This reactionary instinct lacks a long-term political programme. It can mobilise anger, but rarely build anything substantive .

The truth is stark: there is no democratic, transparent, pan-Indian Muslim body that can claim to represent Indian Muslims. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board is neither elected nor accountable. Political parties like AIMIM can only claim to represent a section of the Indian Muslims .

The Danger of Aspiration Without Direction

If the current trajectory continues, Muslim political energies will either be absorbed into Hindutva’s reactive machinery or dissipate into nostalgia and despair. The call for “our own leader” will remain an emotional impulse, not a strategic position. Worse, it will obscure the actual sites of Muslim suffering—education, housing, employment, incarceration.

There is no short cut. Muslims in India must participate not as a community but as citizens—in all their class, gender, and ideological diversity. They must build secular and democratic movements for justice, not reactive fronts for identity defence. The alternative is not another “Muslim party,” but an alternative from amongst the Muslims asserting themselves as the citizens of the largest democracy—shaping the future alongside others.

Conclusion: Representation is Not Redemption

The First-Past-the-Post system has no room for religious representation, and perhaps it should not. The solution to Muslim exclusion as citizens lies not in symbolic figures, nor in communally carved parties, but in becoming masters of their own fate and self introspection themselves as citizens.

To demand Muslim leadership is not wrong—but to mistake visibility for power, or identity for programme, is dangerous. Muslim leadership must cease to be a mythological hope projected onto charismatic individuals, and become a rigorous, grassroots, multi-class democratic project rooted in the struggle for dignity.

Only then will Muslims cease to be ruled in the name of fear—and start living as full citizens of a republic they help build every day.

On April 27, 2025, Hijab posted on X: “If any Indian Muslim sides with India on Kashmir, he betrays the ummah. If he desires Hindutva’s triumph over Muslims, he has fallen into disbelief. Whoever allies with them is of them. And Allah does not guide the wrongdoing people. (Surah Al-Ma’idah, 5:51).”

Indian Muslims Strike Back

The response from Indian Muslims to Hijab’s latest statement has been swift, sharp, and unapologetic, showcasing their deep-rooted commitment to India and their rejection of divisive, external narratives.

Zahack Tanvir, a counterextremism writer and founder of Milli Chronicle UK, cleverly turned Hijab’s logic on its head, pointing out the hypocrisy of his argument. Tanvir wrote, “How about the Islamic Republic of Pakistan that gave bases to the US against Taliban during ‘war on terror’? Have they become disbelievers too? Is ‘whoever allies with them is of them’ applicable on Pak ISI? Then according to you, they are Kafir! So technically Indian Muslims aren’t allying with Pakistan on Kashmir! ”

Kashmiri writer and educationist Arshia Malik delivered a scathing rebuke, telling Hijab to mind his own business. “Hasn’t your ex-wife filled criminal charges against you for domestic abuse? Indian Muslims have enough problems with the dog whistler Zubair and the DJ activists like Sayema, Arfa, Rana and the Safvis and Naqvis. We don’t need your advocacy, oaf. India is a liberal democracy, it doesn’t give space to takfirism, something even the Kashmiris are learning post-2019,” she wrote.

Malik emphasized the diversity of Indian Muslims—atheist, agnostic, cultural, liberal, progressive, and more—all of whom coexist under India’s Constitution alongside the Hindu majority.

Famous debater Mohammed Shoaib didn’t hold back, responding with raw emotion: “M** ***** **** apni pakistani umma ke saath. As an Indian Muslim, I stand with my India and its elected Hindutva govt. F*** your ***.” His unfiltered anger reflects the sentiment of many Indian Muslims who feel insulted by Hijab’s attempt to dictate their loyalties.

Zaira Nizam echoed this sentiment with a succinct yet powerful statement: “Fck your Pakistani Ummah. I am Indian and I stand with my country that is Bharat.” Her words encapsulate the fierce national pride that runs through the Indian Muslim community.

Advocate Shoeb Siddiqi, General Secretary of All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz (AIPMM), challenged Hijab’s interpretation of the Quranic verse, arguing, “He’s doing takfir of 200 million Indian Muslims for allegiance to their nation. Also (5:51) speaks of alliances during war with hostile enemies. Kashmir was, is, and will be an integral part of India—cry harder. You have no business poking your dirty nose here.”

Muslim activist Zafar Nama took a more confrontational tone, writing, “Hey *****, Kashmir belongs to India. If I have to choose between Hindu Rashtra and ‘Muslim Brotherhood Ummah Chutiyapa’, I will choose Hindu Rashtra any day. And yes, Allah has guided me to be in support of India and Humanity.”

Kashmiri journalist and geopolitical expert Raja Muneeb didn’t mince words, calling Hijab a “despicable vermin” and accusing him of hypocrisy. “You used the same Ummah argument to bed displaced Palestinian women. Didn’t you, you shameless son of a *****!” Muneeb’s response highlights the personal disdain many feel toward Hijab’s moral posturing.

Afghanistan’s human rights activist Wazhma Sayel brought a broader perspective, invoking Islamic teachings to counter Hijab’s divisive rhetoric. Quoting Surah Al-Ma’idah 5:32—“Killing one innocent person is as if killing all of humanity”—she criticized Hijab for supporting forces that have shed innocent blood in Afghanistan. Sayel also referenced the Prophet Muhammad’s last sermon, emphasizing equality across races and condemning Hijab’s hypocrisy.

Policy analyst Amana Ansari underscored the agency of Indian Muslims, stating, “The people of Kashmir have their own chosen leaders. Indian Muslims know our faith teaches justice (Qur’an 4:135). We stand, we speak, we sacrifice—for our country, for our people, for truth. We have our voice. We don’t need foreign agents. Never did. Never will.”

Saif Siddiqi added, “Indian Muslims need no certificate from anyone. Kashmir is India’s pride, and we proudly stand with it. Supporting India doesn’t betray the Ummah—betraying India would betray our own identity. Stop dividing us with lies.”

Lawyer Aman Wadud delivered a particularly pointed critique, accusing Hijab of fueling hatred against Indian Muslims. Quoting Surah Al-Ma’idah 5:8 and 5:32, Wadud wrote, “People like you have done the greatest disservice to Islam. You are doing the greatest disservice to 200 million Indian Muslim citizens. Give up your Oxford degree! Delete your account! SIT DOWN!”

Mohammed Hijab’s Controversial Past

Hijab, a British-Egyptian YouTuber and self-proclaimed scholar with a significant online following, is no stranger to controversy. His history of incendiary remarks and actions has often placed him at the center of polarizing debates.

In September 2022, Hijab was widely criticized for his role in inciting violence against Hindus in Leicester, UK, following tensions sparked by an India-Pakistan cricket match. According to a report by The Tribune, he was seen leading a mob of masked Muslim men, mocking Hinduism, and encouraging violence against Hindus.

In a video that surfaced on social media, Hijab was heard saying, “If they (Hindus) believe in reincarnation, what a humiliation of them to be reincarnated into some pathetic, weak, cowardly people like that.” He further taunted, “Deep down, they know we got the truth. If you want respect, then, learn to respect,” while warning Hindus against protesting the violence.

Hijab’s radical views extend beyond anti-Hindu rhetoric. He has a documented history of anti-Semitic and anti-Israel sentiments. In 2021, the Community Security Trust (CST) identified him as an “influential Islamist Youtuber” involved in anti-Israeli demonstrations in London.

During one such protest, he was recorded threatening violence, stating, “If those dogs come close to us again, we will see it as an act of aggression and we will kill those dogs! We’ll put them down,” as reported by Firstpost. He also reportedly led marches where crowds chanted, “We will find some Jews, we want their blood,” further cementing his reputation as a serial provocateur.

What’s From Pahalgam

The backdrop to this controversy is the recent terror attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, on April 22, 2025, which claimed 26 lives, mostly tourists, in one of the deadliest strikes in the region since 2019. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has taken over the probe, deploying multiple teams to investigate the massacre in Baisaran Valley.

Security forces have launched a massive crackdown, demolishing the homes of four identified terrorists and detaining hundreds of overground workers. The attack has heightened tensions between India and Pakistan, with India suspending the Indus Waters Treaty and closing border crossings. Amidst this, Indian Muslims continue to stand united with their nation, rejecting external voices like Hijab’s that seek to sow discord.

In this moment of crisis, the voices of Indian Muslims ring loud and clear: their loyalty lies with India, and they will not be swayed by divisive rhetoric from abroad.