For decades, women in fishing communities along Lake Victoria were expected to stay on shore, selling fish rather than catching them. In Kagwel village in Kenya’s Kisumu County, stepping into a fishing boat was seen not only as unusual but as a violation of deeply rooted social beliefs.

That changed in 2002 when Rhoda Ongoche Akech, then a 39-year-old mother of seven, decided to enter the lake herself.At the time, Akech had spent years working as a fishmonger, buying fish from male fishermen and reselling them in local markets.

But rising costs for fish purchases, cooking oil, firewood and transport were reducing her earnings and making it harder to support her family.“People were alleging that when women go into the waters accompanied by men, they would engage in sexual intercourse,” Akech, now 61. She said community members initially treated her decision with suspicion, but after realising she was determined to learn fishing rather than challenge morality, opposition gradually faded.

Her decision followed an encounter in 2001 when women from neighbouring Homabay County came to Kagwel and began fishing. Watching them convinced her that the work was possible despite local resistance.“I sought the help of two young men by then to assist me with fishing as I learned,” she said.The cultural restrictions around women fishing in Lake Victoria communities are rooted in longstanding beliefs tied to gender and ritual purity.

According to Kagwel village elder William Okedo, one of the strongest taboos concerned menstruation.“It was believed that if women went into the lake while on period, they would scare away the fish and that would cause losses to people who are fishing,” Okedo said.The restrictions extended to men as well. Fishermen were traditionally discouraged from having sexual relations with their wives the night before fishing trips, based on beliefs that it would reduce their catch.

For 16 years, Akech remained the only woman fishing regularly in Kagwel, working alone among male crews.It was not until 2018 that another woman joined her. Faith Awuor Ang’awo, a 37-year-old mother of four, had also been working as a fishmonger and was facing similar financial strain.“My husband refused the idea at first,” Ang’awo said, citing fears of social backlash from the fishing community.

“But later on allowed me to join Rhoda.”In 2020, Dorcas Awiyo, then a 22-year-old mother of three, followed. Her husband, himself a fisherman, initially opposed the decision but later agreed after the family’s need for additional income became more urgent.“At first, my husband was not receptive to the idea, but later on allowed me,” she said.By 2022, when Janet Ndweyi joined the group, resistance had largely disappeared.

“I didn’t face any challenge or receive any warning when joining them because the community around was used to seeing Rhoda and Faith fishing,” Ndweyi said.Without a husband to support her and with fish trading becoming less profitable, fishing offered her a more stable income. She now uses her earnings to pay college fees for both of her children.

“Through fishing, I am able to cater for my household’s basic needs and also pay for children’s school fees that are in college,” she said.Economic necessity has been the strongest force behind the social shift.According to Wilson Onjolo, fisheries officer for Seme subcounty, boat owners at Kagwel Beach can earn between 6,000 and 8,000 Kenyan shillings ($46 to $62) on productive days. Crew members earn between 500 and 800 shillings ($3.88 to $6.20), while traders such as fishmongers may earn up to 1,000 shillings ($7.75).

That compares favourably with the roughly 500 shillings women like Akech earned daily when they relied solely on fish trading.Village elder Okedo said the economic pressure facing households has made communities more willing to reconsider long-held norms.“This is all because of economic hardships that the community is facing; it is pushing women to break the taboo,” he said.

Fisherman Dalmas Onyango said most male fishermen now support women entering the trade.“The majority of my fellow fishermen now support their decision to fish,” he said, adding that changing economic realities have made old restrictions less practical.At the same time, the lake itself is becoming less reliable.

Lake Victoria, which supports more than 42 million people for food, employment and drinking water, is under increasing pressure from overfishing, pollution, invasive species and climate change. Annual harvests remain around one million tonnes, but per capita catch rates have declined significantly.Akech said she has seen the change directly over the past two decades.

The amount of fish she catches today is noticeably lower than when she first entered the lake in 2002.Chris Mutai, senior meteorologist in charge of the Kisumu meteorological station, said rising water temperatures are contributing to the decline by encouraging algae growth and reducing oxygen levels in the lake.

“To reverse this, people should keep off riparian land to allow undergrowth that will serve as the breeding ground of fish, and avoid pollution of the lake that traps more heat than plain, clear water,” Mutai said.He warned that temperatures could rise by another 0.5 degrees Celsius over the next 10 to 20 years, reaching between 29.5C and 31C.

Without stronger environmental controls, including protection of riparian zones and regulated fishing, fish stocks are expected to continue falling.Weather forecasting has become increasingly important for fishing communities. Mutai’s office distributes five-day forecasts through WhatsApp groups and local government channels, helping fishermen and fisherwomen prepare for dangerous lake conditions.

Despite their success, Akech and her team still operate in a legal grey area.Susan Claire, acting director of fisheries and blue economy for Kisumu County, said women officially participate as boat owners and fish traders, but not as night fishermen or crew members.“We have women who own boats and women traders, but they are not involved in night fishing or as boat crew members,” Claire told Al Jazeera.

That leaves women like Akech without formal recognition or equal access to support available to male fishermen.However, Christopher Aura of the Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute said in 2023 that Lake Victoria had more than 47,000 fishermen, including 1,000 women, suggesting official county records may not fully reflect women’s participation.

Claire acknowledged that declining fish stocks remain a major concern and said the county is working with meteorological services and Beach Management Units to improve awareness, climate adaptation and enforcement against illegal fishing.For Akech, the debate is less about recognition than survival.She continues to leave before dawn with the same determination that first took her to the water more than two decades ago.

Some days the catch is poor, and the income barely covers the effort. On better days, it is enough to keep going.The lake has changed, but so has the community around it.

A former children’s entertainer has described her early working years as both rewarding and revealing, offering insight into family dynamics, social expectations and workplace boundaries within private domestic settings.

Writing about her experience between the ages of 16 and 22, Kate Leaver recounts performing at children’s parties in roles ranging from fairy and princess to witch and ballerina, a job that combined performance skills with logistical demands and interpersonal challenges.

Leaver said the role required a combination of preparation, adaptability and memory. Tasks included managing themed activities, preparing food, maintaining children’s engagement and memorising names to personalise interactions.

She also described the practical realities of the job, such as travelling between venues in costume and transporting party materials, including large quantities of helium balloons.

While the work focused on entertaining children, Leaver noted that interactions with adults often shaped her overall experience. She observed that children’s parties varied significantly in purpose, with some organised as straightforward celebrations and others functioning as social displays.

In certain cases, she said, the scale and presentation of events appeared designed to signal status within social or school communities.According to her account, children’s behaviour during parties reflected familiar social patterns.

Group interactions, competition during games and responses to rewards provided early indications of personality traits. Leaver suggested that these dynamics were not fundamentally different from those observed in adult environments, with elements of rivalry, alliance-building and social positioning evident even among young participants.

Her observations of parents, however, formed a central part of her reflections. She described a division of roles in many households, where mothers typically managed event planning and coordination, while fathers were more likely to participate peripherally in social settings.

Although she acknowledged exceptions, she characterised this pattern as common across multiple engagements.Leaver also detailed instances of challenging or inappropriate behaviour from adults.

These included criticism of her work, unrealistic expectations and, in some cases, conduct that made her uncomfortable, such as intrusive comments or behaviour perceived as inappropriate in a professional context.

She cited specific incidents, including being reprimanded for factors beyond her control and being treated dismissively despite her role in facilitating the event.At the same time, she noted that not all experiences were negative.

Some families expressed appreciation for her work, offering hospitality and positive feedback. In these cases, she said she observed strong familial bonds and a sense of genuine celebration centred on the child.

The account highlights the informal nature of such employment, where young workers operate within private homes without the structured protections typically associated with formal workplaces.

This setting, Leaver suggested, contributed to variability in how entertainers were treated, ranging from respect and gratitude to disregard or inappropriate familiarity.Despite these challenges, she emphasised the positive aspects of working with children. She described their engagement, imagination and responsiveness as central to the appeal of the role.

Moments in which children demonstrated kindness, shared with others or expressed belief in the characters she portrayed were identified as particularly meaningful.Leaver also reflected on developmental aspects of childhood, noting that belief in fantasy and imaginative play tends to diminish after early childhood but can persist into later years.

She observed that children’s preferences and behaviours often defied stereotypical expectations, with both boys and girls showing equal interest in activities and items traditionally associated with gendered roles.

The experience, she said, provided early exposure to a range of social behaviours and expectations, shaping her understanding of both children and adults. While the role was initially undertaken as a source of income, it also offered insight into broader patterns of interaction, including how individuals present themselves in social settings and how they treat service providers.

Her account suggests that children’s entertainment, often viewed as a light or informal occupation, can involve complex interpersonal dynamics. The combination of performance, childcare and customer service responsibilities places entertainers in a unique position to observe behaviour across age groups within a single setting.

Leaver concluded that while the job’s appeal lay in its engagement with children and their capacity for imagination, the lasting impressions were often formed by adult behaviour.

The contrast between the openness of children and the expectations or conduct of adults remained a defining feature of her experience.