At a crowded platform in Anand Vihar railway station in Delhi, 35-year-old Raju Prasad and his family prepare to leave the capital after months of struggling to secure basic necessities. Having migrated from Uttar Pradesh less than a year ago in search of work, Prasad now says the rising cost of food and an acute shortage of cooking fuel have made it impossible for his family to survive in the city.

Prasad, who worked as a ragpicker alongside his wife, said the family earned about 500 rupees per day through long hours of manual labour. However, the depletion of their cooking gas supply nearly two weeks ago marked a turning point. With no access to affordable replacements and limited alternatives, their savings were quickly exhausted. He said the family initially resorted to collecting firewood, but even that option has since run out, forcing them to return to their village in Gorakhpur.

The situation reflects a broader trend unfolding across urban centres in India, where supply disruptions linked to the ongoing geopolitical tensions in the Middle East have driven up fuel prices and reduced availability. The shortage of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), widely used for cooking in urban households and small businesses, has had cascading effects on food access and affordability, particularly among migrant workers and low-income groups.

In the same railway station, 25-year-old Sarfaraz, a construction worker from Bihar, waits for funds from his family to purchase a ticket home. Employed at the construction site of the Jewar Noida International Airport, he said his daily wage of around 550 rupees was no longer sufficient to cover rising living costs. His gas supply ran out nearly 20 days ago, and he has been unable to secure a replacement due to both shortages and sharply inflated prices in informal markets.

Sarfaraz said the cost of a gas cylinder has increased from approximately 900 rupees to as high as 4,500 rupees in the black market, placing it beyond reach for most daily wage earners. He added that food prices outside have also doubled, limiting access to even basic meals. “I’ve not had proper food for the past two days,” he said, noting that his savings had been depleted.

Urban food systems in cities such as Delhi rely heavily on a dense network of small eateries, roadside vendors, and informal food services that depend on LPG for daily operations. The shortage has disrupted these networks, leading to closures, reduced menus, and higher prices. This has disproportionately affected migrant workers, students, and other low-income residents who depend on inexpensive prepared food rather than home cooking.Restaurant owners report significant operational challenges.

Anil, who has managed a small restaurant in Nehru Place for three decades, said he has never experienced a similar disruption. He confirmed that rising input costs have forced him to increase menu prices while removing several items. He has also reverted to traditional cooking methods using a chulha, or open-fire stove, which is slower and less efficient.

Anil added that declining customer footfall and higher operational costs are putting pressure on his business and workforce. With around 10 employees dependent on the establishment, he said prolonged disruption could lead to job losses if conditions do not improve.

Government representatives acknowledge supply constraints but maintain that efforts are underway to stabilize distribution. Praveen Shankar Kapoor, spokesperson for the Bharatiya Janata Party in Delhi, said authorities are working to address shortages in both domestic and commercial LPG supply chains. He stated that while consumers using formal booking systems are receiving cylinders, smaller users particularly those relying on 5kg cylinders are facing greater challenges.

Kapoor noted that migrant workers and students often fall outside the formal distribution framework, as they are typically not registered under domestic gas consumer schemes. This has left them dependent on informal markets where prices have surged.Students have also reported significant disruption.

At Jamia Millia Islamia, many students from low-income backgrounds depend on shared accommodation and affordable canteen services.

Farheen Naaz, a media student from West Bengal, said she has not had access to cooking gas for 10 days and has been skipping meals as a result. She added that several university canteens have shut down, while those still operating have raised prices.

Naaz said the situation is affecting the health of students, particularly those living in shared housing arrangements. In her accommodation, which houses around 50 women, residents are facing similar constraints due to both fuel shortages and rising food costs.

The shortage has also affected markets for alternative cooking solutions. Retailers report a sharp increase in demand for electric appliances such as induction cooktops and rice cookers. Ahmad, a wholesale trader at ZamZam Crockery, said prices for induction stoves have risen from around 1,300 rupees to 5,000 rupees. He attributed the increase to upstream supply constraints and higher input costs, adding that prices for many electrical cooking appliances have risen significantly.

The convergence of fuel shortages, rising food prices, and limited access to affordable alternatives has triggered a reverse migration pattern in urban centres. Migrant workers, who form a substantial portion of the informal workforce in cities like Delhi, are increasingly returning to their home villages where food access is relatively more secure and traditional cooking methods remain viable.

At railway stations, scenes of families departing with limited belongings have become more frequent. For many, the decision to leave reflects not only economic strain but also the breakdown of essential urban support systems that sustain daily life for low-income populations.

As Sarfaraz continues to wait for funds to complete his journey home, he checks his phone repeatedly, hoping to join others boarding trains out of the city. His situation underscores the immediate pressures faced by migrant workers, whose livelihoods are closely tied to volatile urban conditions and limited social safety nets.

In Delhi, official data and field reports indicate that domestic violence remains a persistent feature of urban life, cutting across income groups and educational backgrounds.

According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5, 2019–21), approximately 29% of ever-married women in India have experienced spousal violence at some point, with urban prevalence slightly lower than rural figures but still significant in absolute numbers due to population density.

Police records from the National Crime Records Bureau show that cases registered under “cruelty by husband or his relatives” consistently account for the largest share of crimes against women. In its latest available annual report, the NCRB documented over 100,000 such cases nationwide, with Delhi among the cities reporting a high volume of complaints relative to its population.

A 34-year-old resident of East Delhi, whose identity is being withheld for legal reasons, described repeated instances of physical and psychological abuse over several years of marriage. Her case was registered under provisions of the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, which provides for civil remedies including protection orders, residence rights, and financial relief.

According to court filings reviewed by legal aid groups, delays in enforcement and procedural bottlenecks often limit the effectiveness of these protections.

India’s legal framework addressing domestic violence includes both criminal and civil provisions. Section 498A of the Indian Penal Code criminalizes cruelty by a husband or his relatives, while the Domestic Violence Act of 2005 broadens the scope to include physical, emotional, economic, and sexual abuse.

Despite this, implementation remains uneven.Data from the Delhi Commission for Women indicates that complaint volumes surged during periods of restricted mobility, particularly during pandemic-related lockdowns, when access to support networks was limited.

While complaint numbers have since stabilized, officials say underreporting continues to be a structural issue. Social stigma, economic dependency, and concerns about familial disruption are cited by advocacy groups as key factors discouraging women from seeking formal recourse.

Legal practitioners working with survivors report that interim relief orders, though provided by law, are not always issued in a timely manner. Court backlogs and administrative delays can extend proceedings over months or years.

Shelter homes and protection officers, mandated under the Domestic Violence Act, remain unevenly distributed across districts, limiting access for vulnerable populations.

Research conducted by the International Institute for Population Sciences, which coordinates the NFHS, indicates that domestic violence correlates with a range of socio-economic factors, including household income, educational attainment, and exposure to intergenerational violence.

However, the data also shows that no demographic group is entirely insulated.Urban centers such as Delhi present a complex pattern. Higher literacy rates and greater institutional access contribute to increased reporting relative to rural areas, yet the underlying incidence remains substantial.

NCRB data suggests that metropolitan areas account for a disproportionate share of registered cases, reflecting both higher population density and relatively greater access to law enforcement mechanisms.

A senior official at a Delhi-based women’s helpline, speaking on condition of anonymity, stated that psychological abuse and economic control are frequently underreported compared to physical violence.

This aligns with findings from NFHS-5, which notes that non-physical forms of abuse often go unrecognized within both legal and social frameworks.

Government and civil society responses have focused on expanding reporting mechanisms and support infrastructure. The Delhi government operates dedicated helplines and has increased funding for one-stop crisis centres, which provide medical, legal, and psychological assistance.

These centres are part of a broader national initiative supported by the Ministry of Women and Child Development.At the national level, policy discussions have increasingly emphasized the need for integrated responses that combine legal enforcement with social support systems. Experts argue that addressing domestic violence requires coordination across police, judiciary, healthcare providers, and community organizations.

Data sharing and standardization of reporting practices have also been identified as areas requiring improvement.The economic implications of domestic violence have drawn attention in recent policy debates. Studies by multilateral institutions, including the World Bank, have highlighted the broader impact on workforce participation and productivity.

Women experiencing domestic violence are more likely to face disruptions in employment, contributing to wider economic costs.

Despite these initiatives, enforcement gaps remain a persistent concern. Advocacy groups point to the need for greater accountability in implementing existing laws, rather than introducing new legislative measures.

Training for law enforcement personnel and judicial officers has been identified as a critical factor in improving case outcomes.

In Delhi, the woman whose case is currently under judicial consideration continues to navigate the legal process while residing in temporary accommodation arranged through a local support organization.

Her case reflects patterns documented in official data, where legal remedies exist but their accessibility and timeliness remain inconsistent across jurisdictions.

India’s economy continued to show its strength and stability as the government reported gross Goods and Services Tax (GST) collections of ₹1.96 trillion in October 2025, marking a 5% increase compared to the same month last year.

This surge demonstrates a positive trajectory in both consumption and compliance, reflecting the nation’s economic vibrancy during the festive season and the government’s effective fiscal management.

After accounting for refunds, India’s net tax collections stood at ₹1.69 trillion, a modest yet stable rise of 0.6% over October 2024.

This consistency underscores the resilience of the Indian economy despite recent tax reductions on consumer goods, such as shampoos and small cars, implemented from September 22 to support festive demand and household spending.

The combination of higher gross collections and stable net receipts points to growing business activity, strong consumer confidence, and efficient tax administration.

Experts see this rise in GST revenue as an encouraging sign of India’s economic momentum. According to Abhishek Jain, a partner at KPMG, “The higher gross GST collections reflect a strong festive season and higher demand.

It is a positive indicator of how both consumption and compliance are moving in the right direction.” His statement captures the overall sentiment that India’s fiscal performance is aligned with rising consumer optimism and increased digital tax transparency.

The timing of the growth coincides with India’s vibrant festive months, where consumer spending typically surges across sectors like retail, automobiles, electronics, and services.

The government’s strategic move to cut taxes on hundreds of everyday goods before the festive season provided a timely boost to purchasing power, stimulating demand across urban and rural areas alike.

While the full impact of these tax cuts will be reflected in the next month’s data, October’s numbers already indicate a strong beginning to the festive quarter.

This positive trend in GST collection also reflects the success of India’s ongoing efforts to enhance tax compliance through digital integration and simplified filing systems.

Over the years, the government’s focus on e-invoicing, data analytics, and seamless GST filing has encouraged businesses to remain compliant, reducing tax evasion and strengthening fiscal discipline.

The result is a more transparent and efficient taxation framework that supports both businesses and government revenue.

From a macroeconomic perspective, the consistent growth in GST collection is a reassuring signal of India’s post-pandemic recovery trajectory.

It highlights not only rising consumption but also the sustained performance of key sectors such as manufacturing, logistics, and retail.

The strong tax inflow serves as a foundation for public spending on infrastructure, healthcare, and education—areas critical for India’s long-term economic growth.

Moreover, the healthy tax collection provides the central and state governments with greater fiscal room to implement welfare initiatives and development programs.

It also reassures global investors about India’s financial stability, especially at a time when global markets remain uncertain. The country’s ability to maintain steady growth in tax revenue despite rate reductions indicates robust domestic demand and a maturing consumption-driven economy.

As India moves into the final months of 2025, economists remain optimistic that the upward trend in GST collections will continue, supported by steady industrial output, rising employment, and a strong services sector.

With festive demand continuing into November and December, tax receipts are expected to remain buoyant, further boosting government finances.

India’s strong October GST performance is not just a reflection of short-term festive cheer but a sign of enduring economic confidence and resilience.

It reinforces the nation’s journey toward becoming a more organized, transparent, and growth-oriented economy—one that balances consumer welfare with fiscal discipline.

In a widely circulated video, Shaykh Rahmani warns the Muslim youth not to fall victim to what he calls a “foreign conspiracy” aimed at sowing religious confusion. Speaking in Urdu with restrained passion, he said, “The propaganda is coming from across the border — in English — camouflaged under Islamic scholarship to mislead Indian Muslims.”

Shaykh Rahmani’s comments come amid a social media campaign reportedly originating from Pakistan, which discourages Muslims in India from joining the armed forces, branding it un-Islamic.

“They could not establish Shariah in their own land,” he said, referring to Pakistan, “so now they are targeting Indian Muslims, creating doubt over something that has no basis in Islamic creed.”

The senior Salafi scholar made it clear that enlisting in the Indian Army is a personal and civic decision, not a theological dilemma. “This is not an issue of Islam versus Kufr. Joining the army does not turn one into a disbeliever,” he asserted. “It is about protecting the nation, just as any other country’s military defends its own borders.”

Shaykh Rahmani emphasized that the Indian Army is a national institution and not a religious one, and that its role should not be misrepresented through sectarian lenses. “There is a security matter between two countries — not between two faiths. Don’t confuse patriotism with blasphemy,” he cautioned.

This video has gained traction amid ongoing discussions about the role of Muslims in India’s armed forces. Many within the community serve with distinction in the military, and the government has repeatedly highlighted its secular credentials in national institutions.

However, voices that attempt to religiously polarize such national duties, whether domestic or foreign, raise concerns about the manipulation of faith for political or ideological gain.

Security analysts and interfaith scholars have also weighed in, warning that conflating national duty with religious betrayal is not only misleading but potentially destabilizing. “This narrative isn’t just misguided — it’s dangerous,” said one Delhi-based interfaith researcher. “It isolates Indian Muslims from civic responsibility and plays straight into divisive hands.”

The Abul Kalam Azad Islamic Awakening Centre, under Shaykh Rahmani’s leadership, has been vocal in countering extremism and religious misinterpretation, especially among urban Muslim youth. His recent statements are seen as part of a broader effort to reclaim religious narratives from geopolitical agendas.

As India navigates complex domestic and regional dynamics, scholars like Shaykh Rahmani are emerging as vital voices defending both Islamic integrity and national unity.

The Sardar Patel COVID Care Center started its operational facilities partly on Sunday with 2,000 beds, while the remaining 8,000 beds will be available from Wednesday on wards, according to the Delhi government.

India’s Home Minister Amit Shah and Delhi’s Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal visited the center on Saturday to review the arrangements.

Chief Minister Kejriwal called the center as “among the largest hospitals in the world”, in his tweet on the same day of his visit.

Home Minister Amit Shah tweeted that the center “would provide huge relief to the people of Delhi”.

The center will be operated by Indo-Tiberan Border Police (ITBP), confirmed by Shah in his another tweet. He praised ITBP that “their commitment to serve nation and people of Delhi is unparalleled”.

India has officially reported 5,85,000 confirmed cases with 17,400 deaths. Maharastra tops the list with 1,75,000 cases and 7,855 deaths, while Tamil Nadu stands second with 90,167 cases and 1,201 deaths.

Spokesperson of Guterres Stephane Dujarric said in a press conference, “I think it’s very important that demonstrators be allowed to demonstrate peacefully and that security forces show restraint. This is the secretary general’s constant position.”

Violence that erupted in the north east Delhi has officially claimed over 24 lives and over 180 people are injured, while the social media reports have claimed that the unofficial figures are triple.

Muslim houses and businesses are burnt and razed down to ground.

The voilence was alledgedly triggered after BJP’s Kapil Mishra had made intimidating and provocating speeches against anti-CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act) protestors.

Indian government under Prime Minister Modi passed the controversial bill in parliament in December 2019. The law paves the way for minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to get the Indian citizenship, but the critics say it is biased against Muslims, since it’s only applicable for Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Jains, Buddhists, and Parsis, excluding the Muslim migrants.

“There were continuous sounds of tear gas,” she said. “They were just beating any students they saw so cruelly.”

New Delhi (Reuters) – As dusk fell on Sunday, police smashed their way into the main library of New Delhi’s Jamia Millia University, firing tear gas shells as scores of terrified students barricaded doors and hid inside bathrooms to protect themselves.

Video footage shot by a student inside the library and reviewed by Reuters shows dozens of young students – including several women – scrambling for cover, cowering beneath desks, and jumping over metal and broken glass dividers as they attempted to flee.

More than 600 students sought shelter inside the building as violence raged around the university in southeast Delhi, after thousands gathered to protest a controversial new citizenship law that has sparked days of violent unrest.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government insists the Citizenship Amendment Act is necessary to help persecuted minorities from Muslim-majority Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who settled in India before 2015.

But the move has triggered a severe backlash, with widespread clashes in the country’s north and a rash of protests across universities – including in Jamia.

On Sunday, some protesters set buses alight and battled stick-wielding policemen on a major thoroughfare nearby.

In a statement, the student community of Jamia said they disassociated themselves from the violence, which was perpetrated by some elements to discredit their peaceful protests.

Asad Malik, a lecturer in Jamia’s law department, said school officials had stood by the campus gates, checking ID cards to ensure only students entered the nearly 100-year-old public university amid the chaos on Sunday.

However, police said some vandals did manage to enter Jamia and officers only followed them into the campus after they were pelted with stones from inside the university.

“Miscreants and rowdy elements had entered the university and police went inside the campus chasing this crowd, to pull them out,” M.S. Randhawa, a police spokesman told reporters on Monday.

Malik, however, said when police started shooting tear gas inside the university, there were only students inside.

Saliha P.P., a 22-year-old master’s student, said she was on the Jamia campus when she saw more than 100 policemen storm the campus, fire tear gas and charge students with batons.

“There were continuous sounds of tear gas,” she said. “They were just beating any students they saw so cruelly.”

On Monday morning, sections of university library lay in ruins. Windows were smashed, chairs lay broken and scattered. Crushed glass covered corridors and tables.

Reuters witnesses saw tear gas shells and blood splattered on the library floor. At least two surveillance cameras had been smashed.

Jamia’s Vice Chancellor Najma Akhtar said police had entered the campus without permission, injuring around 200 students. The university, which has a large number of Muslim students, plans to seek a government enquiry into the violence.

“The brutality with which they behaved with students is not acceptable,” she told media on Monday.

At least five students told Reuters they did not see any women police personnel among the force that stormed the campus, as is required by law in India when females are on the scene.

A police spokesman did not respond to multiple requests for comment on the allegations of brutality or the reported absence of female officers.

Picture Courtesy Insider.

According to a report by Indian Express, attendance records of the North MCD Boys’ School, Wazirabad village, Gali Number 9, show the section-wise break up of students.

• Class IA: 36 Hindus, IB: 36 Muslims
• IIA: 47 Hindus, IIB: 26 Muslims and 15 Hindus, IIC: 40 Muslims
• IIIA: 40 Hindus, IIIB: 23 Hindus and 11 Muslims, IIIC: 40 Muslims, IIID: 14 Hindus and 23 Muslims
• IVA: 40 Hindus, IVB: 19 Hindus and 13 Muslims, IVC: 35 Muslims, IVD: 11 Hindus and 24 Muslims
• VA: 45 Hindus, VB: 49 Hindus, VC: 39 Muslims and 2 Hindus, VD: 47 Muslims

According to the Right To Education Act, the school violates the law as each section should ideally have 30 students at the primary level.

However, C B Singh Sehrawat, the teacher put in-charge of the school on July 2 after the principal was transferred, denied deliberately segregating the students on the basis of religion.

“Reshuffling of sections is standard procedure which happens in all schools. This was a management decision to try and do the best we can to see that there is peace, discipline and a good learning environment in the school. Children fought sometimes”, he said.

“Some children are vegetarian, so there may be differences, and so on. We need to look after the interests of all teachers and students”, he added.

According to the source, a group of teachers from the school went to the MCD zonal office in Civil Lines around 20 days ago to complain authorities about the matter, but they avoided writing the grievance to avoid backlash.

A senior official from the education department of the North Municipal Corporation of Delhi said, “Now that this has been brought to our notice, we will definitely inquire about it. If the allegations are true, strict action will be taken.”

The mother of a Class I student, who was not aware of this cruel act, said, “This is extremely wrong, if true. We believe all children are equal. What is going to happen if they are treated like this at the school level itself? This is very disturbing.”

The Modi government has lost the farmer vote as it has done little for the agriculture sector, the Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU) leader Naresh Singh Tikait, who is leading the farmer protests that have reached the national capital, told ThePrint.

“This government has done nothing for farmers and we are going to reject them. They have lost our vote in the next elections. We are a strong community of over 4 lakh people and we have decided to not vote for Modi,” Tikait said.

“When Modi came to power he made many promises to farmers but four years later, what has happened to all those promises? The farmer is on the streets fighting for his basic rights,” he said.

The farmer leader also took exception to the administration’s decision to stop their march at the Delhi-Uttar Pradesh border. The Delhi Police has issued prohibitory orders in east and northeast Delhi, in view of the march. On Tuesday, police used water cannons to disperse the farmers when they forcefully tried to enter the capital.

“On an occasion such as Gandhi Jayanti, when the international media and dignitaries come to Delhi, we also wanted to reach Delhi to pay our respects to Mahatma Gandhi,” said Tikait, whose father, BKU founder Mahendra Singh Tikait, brought the national capital to standstill for a week, 30 years ago, forcing the Rajiv Gandhi government to accept all their demands.

“We want to follow the path of peace shown by Gandhi but the authorities are not letting us do it. If we are forced to sit on the borders of Delhi, we will sit in silent protest,” said Tikait. “The world will also see how farmers in India are treated.”

A 10-day march

The farmers, associated with the BKU, began their march from Haridwar on 23 September. They descended on the national capital late Monday, and have been stopped at the Delhi-UP border.

The farmers, from the northern states of Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Punjab, are demanding better crop prices, farm loan waivers and a cut in electricity and fuel costs among others.

The march has brought traffic to a halt along the national highway leading to Delhi.

The borders were sealed Tuesday morning, with heavy police deployment on roads that connect NCR to Delhi.

“We are not armed with any weapons or armour. We are not here to attack someone. There is no reason for police to use force against us,” said Lokesh Sirohi, a farmer from Hastinapur. “All we want is to go to Kisan Ghat and pay our respects to our leader Chaudhary Charan Singh”.

[First published on ThePrint by Kritika Sharma]