The commission said its findings followed multiple verification and analysis procedures conducted in coordination with Syrian authorities, marking a significant development in one of the country’s most prominent unresolved disappearance cases.

Al-Abbasi, her husband Abdul Rahman Yasin, and their six children, who were between three and 15 years old at the time, vanished in March 2013 after security forces raided their home in Damascus, according to rights organizations.

Their disappearance became a symbol of the broader issue of missing detainees and forcibly disappeared civilians during Assad’s rule.”We have reached reliable and corroborating results that allow us to conclude with a high degree of professional certainty that Dr. Rania Al-Abbasi’s children are deceased,” the commission said in a statement.

It added that efforts to locate the children’s remains were continuing.The commission was established by Syria’s new authorities in May 2025 to investigate cases involving missing and forcibly disappeared persons following Assad’s ouster in 2024.Hassan Al-Abbasi, Rania’s brother, confirmed the children’s deaths in a video posted on Facebook.

He said family members had viewed video recordings linked to a suspect accused of involvement in a 2013 massacre in a Damascus district.According to Hassan Al-Abbasi, one recording showed children being accused of financing terrorism.

He said the children in the footage were identified as members of the Al-Abbasi family.The fate of Rania Al-Abbasi and her husband remains officially unresolved. Contact with both was lost after their arrest, and while rights groups and media reports have suggested they may have died, no official confirmation or recovery of their remains has been reported.

The case underscores the scale of Syria’s missing persons crisis, which includes detainees who disappeared in government prisons, civilians who went missing during years of conflict, and individuals who vanished at checkpoints or while fleeing violence.The Syrian conflict began in 2011 after a government crackdown on anti-government protests and evolved into a prolonged civil war.

Tens of thousands of people were detained or disappeared during the conflict.The commission said last year that the number of people who went missing over decades of Assad family rule could exceed 300,000.

According to the official, 21 Australians seven women and 14 children aged between eight and 14 departed Roj Camp on Thursday. They were transferred to Syrian authorities and taken to the capital, Damascus, for arrangements related to their return to Australia.
“There are no more Australians remaining in Roj,” the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The camp, administered by Kurdish authorities in northeastern Syria, has housed relatives of suspected foreign militants for years following the collapse of the self-declared caliphate established by Daesh.

The latest transfer follows the repatriation earlier this month of 13 Australians, including four women and nine children. Upon arrival in Australia, three of the women were arrested.

Australian authorities charged two women a mother and daughter with slavery-related offenses and crimes against humanity, alleging they kept a female slave after traveling to Syria in 2014 to support Daesh. Both had been detained by Kurdish forces since 2019.

A third woman was charged with entering a restricted area and joining a terrorist organization, while a fourth woman returned without being arrested.

Hundreds of women from Western countries traveled to Syria and Iraq during the rise of Daesh in the early 2010s, often accompanying family members who joined the militant group. Australia subsequently criminalized travel to areas under Daesh control, including parts of Syria.

Canberra has conducted several repatriation operations since 2019, gradually bringing home women and children from camps in northeastern Syria while assessing potential security and legal risks.
Daesh, which once controlled large territories across Syria and Iraq, was territorially defeated in 2019 following a military campaign led by Kurdish-backed forces with support from a US-led coalition.

Syria’s current authorities, who assumed power in 2024, have joined international efforts against Daesh and expanded government control into areas previously administered by Kurdish-led forces. However, Roj camp remains under Kurdish administration.

The departure of the final Australian nationals from Roj closes a chapter in one of Australia’s most complex repatriation efforts arising from the aftermath of the Syrian conflict and the defeat of Daesh.

The June 15-17 summit will be held in Évian-les-Bains in southeastern France, with Syrian representation expected to focus on regional trade routes, supply chains and post-war economic reconstruction, according to the sources.

One Syrian official said an invitation for Sharaa was hand-delivered earlier this week to Syrian Finance Minister Yisr Barnieh during G7-related financial meetings in Paris.

The official said Syria’s participation would likely center on the country’s potential role as a “strategic hub for supply chains” following disruptions caused by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.
Commercial shipping through the critical waterway has been severely affected since the outbreak of the Iran conflict in late February, contributing to volatility in global energy and transport markets.

Syria, seeking to rebuild after a 14-year civil war, has increasingly moved closer to Western governments following shifts in regional diplomacy and gradual easing of sanctions imposed during the rule of former presidents Hafez al-Assad and Bashar al-Assad.

Despite the easing of many restrictions, Syrian officials continue to face challenges attracting foreign investment, restoring banking connectivity and reviving infrastructure damaged during years of conflict.

The invitation signals a significant diplomatic development for Damascus as Western powers reassess Syria’s regional role amid broader geopolitical and economic disruptions linked to the Middle East conflict.

The blast occurred in the Bab Sharqi district of the Syrian capital while army personnel were dismantling another explosive device discovered near the same location, the ministry said in a statement.

According to the ministry, “a car bomb exploded in the same area, resulting in the martyrdom of one soldier and injuries to others.”

A source from Syria’s civil defense services said at least one person had been killed in the explosion, though casualty figures had not been independently confirmed.

An AFP correspondent at the scene reported hearing a powerful explosion before witnessing a vehicle engulfed in flames near the defense-related building. Security forces quickly sealed off the surrounding area and deployed heavily across the neighborhood.

Authorities have not publicly identified those responsible for the attack, and no group immediately claimed responsibility.

The incident underscores ongoing security challenges in Syria despite a relative reduction in large-scale fighting following years of civil war and political instability.

Damascus has periodically experienced bombings, targeted attacks and security operations involving militant cells, particularly around government and military facilities.

State news agency SANA reported that former Homs governor Abdul Rahman Badreddine Al-Aama was appointed secretary-general of the Syrian presidency, replacing Maher Al-Sharaa, the president’s brother.The reshuffle also included the replacement of Information Minister Hamza Almustafa and Agriculture Minister Amjad Badr.

Khaled Fawaz Zaarour, previously head of the media faculty at Damascus University, was named information minister, while Bassel Hafez Al-Sweidan took over the agriculture portfolio.No official explanation was provided for the changes.

The appointments mark one of the most notable adjustments to Syria’s transitional government since it was formed in March 2025 following the 2024 ouster of longtime ruler Bashar Assad. The interim administration has largely been composed of figures considered close to Sharaa and his political network.

Alongside cabinet-level changes, Sharaa appointed new provincial governors for several regions, including Homs, Quneitra, Latakia and Deir Ezzor, according to SANA.

The personnel changes come as Syria’s transitional authorities continue efforts to restructure state institutions after years of civil conflict, economic collapse and political fragmentation that intensified following Assad’s removal from power.

Syrian state TV, citing local sources, said the Jordanian army had likely targeted a headquarters in the village of Shahba that contained weapons and narcotics controlled by rebel groups in the Druze-majority province of Sweida, where large areas remain outside the full control of Damascus.

The report said the strike focused on facilities allegedly used for storing drugs and arms, reflecting ongoing concerns over smuggling routes operating through southern Syria toward Jordan and the wider Gulf region.

In a separate statement, the Jordanian army confirmed it had carried out what it described as a “deterrent operation” against multiple locations used by arms and drug traffickers along the kingdom’s northern border.It did not specify the exact sites targeted or provide casualty figures.

Local sources told an AFP correspondent that a series of airstrikes struck at least five locations, including warehouses in the town of Arman, another area in southern Syria believed to be linked to trafficking activity.

Jordan has repeatedly accused armed groups and smuggling networks operating in southern Syria of using the border region to move large quantities of narcotics, particularly captagon, as well as weapons into Jordanian territory.

Amman has increasingly adopted a more aggressive military posture in recent years, including cross-border raids and airstrikes, arguing that the scale of trafficking has become a national security threat.Sweida province, with its complex tribal dynamics and limited central state authority, has remained a sensitive zone for both Syrian authorities and neighboring Jordan, particularly as security vacuums have enabled illicit trade networks to expand.

The latest strikes come amid wider regional efforts to stabilize southern Syria while containing the spread of organized smuggling operations linked to armed factions and local militias.

The Interior Ministry said the group had been planning operations aimed at undermining security and stability in Homs, according to the Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA), as the government intensifies efforts to reassert control across the country following the fall of former President Bashar al-Assad’s government in 2024.

Security forces confiscated anti-tank missile launchers, sniper rifles, automatic weapons, RPG launchers and large quantities of ammunition during the operation, the ministry said.

It described the raid as part of broader efforts to track and dismantle sleeper cells and eliminate what it called the remaining sources of terrorism across Syrian territory.Authorities did not identify the group involved or specify whether it had links to Daesh or other militant organizations still active in parts of Syria.

Syria has faced recurring security threats since the collapse of the Assad regime, with attacks targeting both domestic security forces and foreign military personnel operating in the country.In December, an attack on a joint patrol near Palmyra in Homs province killed two U.S. soldiers and a civilian interpreter, while injuring three U.S. service members and two Syrian security personnel.

The incident underscored continuing instability in central Syria, where remnants of militant networks continue to operate despite years of military campaigns against insurgent groups.In November, Syria became the 90th member of the Global Coalition against Daesh, the international alliance formed in 2014 to combat the militant group after it seized large parts of Syria and northern Iraq.

Although Daesh no longer controls major territory, security officials and international observers continue to warn that the group retains the capacity to conduct insurgent attacks, particularly in remote desert areas and regions with weakened state control.

The latest operation in Homs reflects Damascus’ effort to project authority and reassure both domestic and international partners that it can contain militant threats as the country navigates a fragile post-Assad transition.

National broadcaster ABC reported that four Australian women and nine of their children and grandchildren departed Roj Camp on Friday, citing the camp’s director, with Syrian authorities transporting them to Damascus to facilitate onward travel to Australia.

The Australian government said it was not involved in the operation and maintained its long-standing policy against actively repatriating individuals from such camps.“The Australian Government is not and will not repatriate people from Syria,” a government spokesperson said in a statement.

The spokesperson added that intelligence and security agencies were continuing to monitor developments closely and were prepared for any Australians who attempted to return independently.

“People in this cohort need to know that if they have committed a crime and if they return to Australia they will be met with the full force of the law,” the statement said.Canberra said its “overriding priority” remained the safety of Australians and the protection of national interests, reflecting ongoing political sensitivity surrounding the possible return of families linked to members of the extremist group Daesh.

Roj Camp, located in northeastern Syria, houses women and children associated with suspected Daesh fighters following the collapse of the group’s territorial control in Iraq and Syria.

The families reported this week are believed to be part of a group of 34 Australians who were unable to leave the camp during a failed repatriation attempt in February, reportedly due to coordination issues involving Syrian authorities.

At the time, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the government would not provide assistance, using the phrase: “You make your bed, you lie in it,” to describe Canberra’s position.The return of Daesh-linked families has remained highly divisive in Australia, with some lawmakers and security officials warning that repatriation could create long-term domestic security risks.

Humanitarian organizations, however, have argued that women and especially children trapped in the camps face deteriorating living conditions, legal limbo, and prolonged statelessness.In 2023, Save the Children Australia filed legal action on behalf of 11 women and 20 children in Roj Camp, seeking government intervention to secure their return.

Australia’s Federal Court ruled against the group, finding that the government did not exercise legal control over the detainees’ confinement in Syria and therefore was not obligated to repatriate them.

Australia has previously repatriated some women and children from Syrian detention camps under earlier operations, but officials have remained cautious, balancing humanitarian concerns against domestic political and security pressures.

The latest developments suggest that any return of Australian citizens from Roj Camp will likely proceed without direct government facilitation, under close scrutiny from law enforcement and intelligence agencies upon arrival.

Saudi social media handles say the object — believed to contain a modern piece of the Kaaba’s kiswa, the black covering of Islam’s holiest sanctuary in Mecca — will be formally revealed on 8 December, a date Syrian authorities are calling “Liberation Day.”

While representatives at the mosque declined to comment on the precise nature of the gift, the highly visible Saudi national crest embroidered in gold on the covering has further intensified the anticipation.

Ancient Connections and Arab Legacies

Syria has long been a cultural and intellectual crossroads of the Arab world. The city of Damascus, where the gift is currently housed, became the political heart of Islam in 661 CE with the establishment of the Umayyad Caliphate.

The legacy of early Arab commanders, including Khalid ibn al-Walid, whose campaigns brought Syria into the fold of the emerging Islamic state, and Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, founder of the Umayyad dynasty, remains central to Syrian national identity. Their governance helped transform Syria into an administrative, architectural, and commercial model for the region.

Under Arab rule, Damascus flourished. Grand infrastructure projects, schools of Qur’anic scholarship, water systems, and urban markets elevated the city’s stature.

For centuries, travelers described Damascus as one of the richest cultural capitals of the Middle East, where Muslim, Christian, and Jewish ideas moved freely and libraries of handwritten manuscripts multiplied.

Liberation Day and a New Political Landscape

The planned unveiling on 8 December is being framed by Syrians as symbolic of a new political chapter. In this alternative scenario, Syria’s former president fled the country on 8 December 2024 following prolonged violence and nationally-documented repression, including years of brutal crackdowns and the use of prohibited weapons during the civil conflict.

Opposition organizers have long accused the previous government of forcing sectarian loyalties and punishing dissent with mass displacement and attacks on civilians.

According to analysts, regional diplomacy shifted after an unexpected Saudi-Iran understanding, which altered alliances and brought pressure to bear on Damascus.

Visionary Regional Leadership and Communities Reborn

Observers credit Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, with reshaping regional policy through bold economic and cultural reforms, and through reconciliation initiatives once thought impossible in the Arab political space.

In this imagined future, Riyadh’s outreach to Damascus is seen not as triumph, but as solidarity — a gesture meant to restore Arab ties after decades of war.

One of the new leaders gaining praise is Ahmed al-Sharaa, who has called for cooperation across faith lines and launched committees to restore religious heritage sites.

Christian leaders in Damascus say they feel represented for the first time in thirty years. Meanwhile, Jewish community figures — whose synagogues in the Old City endured long closures — report reopening ceremonies and archival restoration programs designed to preserve centuries-old Torah scrolls and architectural features. These moves echo Syria’s long, multicultural past.

As the curtain remains in place over the green-draped structure, speculation grows. But for many Syrians, the object is already serving a larger purpose: symbolizing both memory and possibility — a reminder of old Arab bonds and a tentative promise of unity yet to be achieved.

What began as a local criminal dispute has now escalated into a multi-layered confrontation involving sectarian militias, Syrian government forces, Israeli airstrikes, and competing Druze factions.

Over five days of relentless violence, more than 100 have been killed and hundreds more injured. Yet, beneath the fog of war, a clearer pattern is emerging—one that reflects the geopolitical fault lines running through Syria and the region at large.

A Spark That Ignited a Firestorm

The violence erupted on July 11, when Bedouin gunmen ambushed a vegetable truck on the Damascus–Suwayda highway, assaulting the Druze driver and stealing his goods. The following day, Druze militias retaliated by kidnapping eight Bedouins, triggering a tit-for-tat spiral of abductions that quickly deteriorated into full-blown armed clashes.

Although such conflicts between Bedouin clans and Druze militias have simmered for years—largely over control of drug trafficking routes, weapons smuggling corridors, and disputed lands—this incident unleashed an unusually brutal wave of violence.

By July 13, mediation efforts by local notables collapsed. Armed clashes intensified in western rural Suwayda and in the provincial capital. In just 24 hours, over 30 were killed and nearly 100 injured. Bedouin areas were besieged while Druze villages were shelled in retaliation.

Until this flare-up, the Syrian government had largely kept its forces out of Suwayda, honoring an uneasy power-sharing arrangement with local Druze leaders. But as lawlessness spiraled, Damascus deployed military and Interior Ministry units to reassert control.

The response from Druze militias was swift and brutal: ten government soldiers were ambushed and executed, while eight others were paraded in humiliation before reportedly being killed.

That move triggered direct Israeli involvement. On July 14, Israeli drones began striking Syrian military convoys—first armored vehicles, then Interior Ministry trucks. The strikes coincided with the Syrian army’s ground operations in Druze-dominated areas and appeared to provide air cover for anti-government Druze factions.

As fighting intensified, a ceasefire was declared by Suwayda’s Druze, Christian, and civil council leaders. But within half an hour, Hikmat al-Hijri, a powerful Druze cleric, rejected the agreement and called for renewed fighting. Almost immediately, Israeli airstrikes resumed—this time across Suwayda city and beyond.

Power Struggles, Foreign Backers, and the Drug Trade

At the heart of this crisis lies Hikmat al-Hijri, spiritual leader of the Suwayda Military Council (SMC)—a faction founded after Assad’s weakening in 2012 and composed of former regime generals. The SMC has long been suspected of controlling large segments of Syria’s Captagon, heroin, and crystal meth trade, which serves as a lucrative shadow economy for armed groups.

Hijri’s repeated rejection of ceasefire efforts has angered rival Druze leaders. Sheikh Yousef al-Jarbou accused him of seeking to monopolize Druze leadership, while Laith al-Balous condemned him for destabilizing Suwayda under the influence of “subversive elements.”

The extent of Israeli coordination with Hijri’s faction is significant. Israel has traditionally struck targets in Syria to counter Iranian and Hezbollah entrenchment near its northern borders. However, its active support of a local militia implicated in narcotics and rebellion raises questions about Tel Aviv’s evolving strategy. Rather than merely deterring Iran, Israel now appears to be empowering anti-Assad factions that could help divide and destabilize southern Syria—a dangerous gamble that risks dragging the region into deeper chaos.

By July 16, Syrian government forces managed to take control of Suwayda city and Qanawat, Hijri’s stronghold. In retaliation, Israeli airstrikes expanded to Damascus, even hitting areas near the Presidential Palace and Syria’s Defense Ministry, killing at least three.

Meanwhile, the United States began mediating what became the third ceasefire attempt in 36 hours. The framework remains largely unchanged: government forces withdraw, local Druze security handle internal policing, and the Interior Ministry maintains nominal authority. Still, Hijri rejected it again, and Israeli strikes followed almost instantly.

The timing of these airstrikes—immediately after each ceasefire rejection—points toward a troubling synergy between Hijri’s tactical decisions and Israel’s military actions, amplifying the conflict and weakening Syria’s transitional government.

Beyond Suwayda: A Microcosm of Syria’s Collapse

While the Suwayda conflict is often described as sectarian—Druze versus Bedouin, or Druze versus Sunni Arab communities—it is just as much about economics and influence. The province is located on key southern smuggling routes leading into Jordan, Iraq, and the Gulf, and control over these routes is a high-stakes game. Notably, on July 15, the Jordanian military clashed twice with drug smugglers crossing over from Suwayda, reflecting the conflict’s transnational dimensions.

At the same time, the information war around Suwayda has become as intense as the conflict itself. Social media has been flooded with sensationalist claims—massacres, organ mutilation, women and children burned alive—all of which independent monitors like SOHR and other long-standing observers have debunked. Verified casualty figures suggest that combatants make up over 75% of the dead, with 6–8% being women and children.

What could have been resolved diplomatically has instead become a case study in how local power struggles, war economies, and foreign interventions intersect. A ceasefire brokered 48 hours ago might have prevented much of the bloodshed. But Hijri’s rejectionism and Israel’s airstrikes have thrown fuel on a tinderbox.

As of now, Suwayda’s future remains uncertain. If the ceasefire holds, the province may cautiously rejoin Syria’s transitional framework. But if Hijri continues to resist and foreign powers persist in exploiting local divisions, Suwayda risks becoming a permanently destabilized zone, threatening Jordan’s security and complicating Syria’s fragile peace process.

Ultimately, Suwayda illustrates the broader tragedy of post-war Syria: a nation where governance has eroded, warlords thrive, and every local conflict becomes a proxy battlefield for regional powers. Peace here won’t be achieved by airstrikes or militias. It requires a new social contract—rooted in accountability, disarmament, and regional diplomacy—to prevent yet another province from sinking into permanent instability.