US Central Command (CENTCOM) said the June 19 strike killed Ali Husayn Al-Ulaywi, describing the operation as part of ongoing efforts to disrupt extremist networks capable of threatening American interests and allies.

In a statement, CENTCOM said the strike was intended to prevent terrorist groups from planning or carrying out attacks against the United States, its partners and its homeland.

The military did not disclose the precise location of the operation, details about the target’s role within Daesh, or whether any additional militants were killed.

The strike comes as the United States continues to conduct targeted operations against surviving Daesh elements in Syria, where the group maintains clandestine networks and sleeper cells despite losing the territory it once controlled.

Washington first deployed forces to Syria more than a decade ago to support Kurdish-led partner forces in the fight against Daesh after the group seized large areas of Syria and neighboring Iraq during its rapid expansion in 2014.

The US-led international coalition subsequently helped local forces dismantle the group’s self-declared caliphate through a series of military campaigns that recaptured major urban centers and strategic territory.

Although Daesh no longer controls significant territory, security officials have repeatedly warned that the organization remains capable of conducting insurgent attacks through decentralized cells operating in remote areas of Syria and Iraq.

In April, US and Syrian authorities announced that Syrian forces had assumed control of all major military bases previously used by coalition forces, reflecting a continued drawdown of the international mission.

American forces, however, have maintained the capability to carry out intelligence-driven strikes and special operations targeting senior militant figures viewed as threats to regional and international security.

US officials have consistently stated that preventing a resurgence of Daesh remains a central objective of American counterterrorism policy in Syria and Iraq.

The latest operation highlights Washington’s intention to preserve that capability even as responsibility for day-to-day security increasingly shifts to local authorities.

In a statement posted on social media platform X, the military said Hussein Qadra and Mohammed Farra, members of the military wings of Hamas and Islamic Jihad respectively, were “eliminated” in an operation. The military did not provide details on the timing or location of the strike.

According to the Israeli military, Qadra and Farra jointly managed a financial network that operated under Hamas leadership and facilitated the transfer of more than 500 million shekels to the Palestinian militant group.

The military alleged that the network played a significant role in sustaining Hamas operations by channeling funds used to support the organization’s military activities. It did not provide additional evidence to support the claim.

No immediate comment was available from Hamas or Islamic Jihad regarding the Israeli statement.

The announcement comes as fighting and military operations continue across Gaza despite ongoing international efforts to secure a lasting end to the conflict. Israeli authorities have repeatedly identified financial networks as a key component of Hamas’s operational infrastructure and have intensified efforts to disrupt funding channels during the war.

Israel has previously targeted individuals it says are involved in financing militant organizations, arguing that financial operatives play a critical role in sustaining armed groups’ capabilities alongside commanders and combat personnel.

The Israeli military did not disclose whether additional individuals were targeted in the operation or provide further details about the structure and scope of the alleged funding network.

Afghanistan’s Defense Ministry said its air force targeted locations in Pakistan’s Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces on Thursday night, alleging the sites were being used to plan and organize attacks against Afghanistan with the support of hostile intelligence networks.

The ministry said the operation successfully struck pre-designated targets but provided no details on casualties, damage assessments or the means used to conduct the attack.

Reuters could not independently verify the claim.

The reported operation represents Kabul’s first major offensive action in months and follows a series of cross-border confrontations that have intensified tensions between the two countries.

Although Afghanistan does not possess fighter jets, it is known to operate a limited fleet of aircraft and helicopters. Taliban forces are also believed to have drone capabilities that have previously been used in clashes with Pakistani forces.

Pakistan’s Information Ministry rejected Kabul’s account, stating that a “rudimentary drone” originating from Afghanistan had entered Pakistani airspace and was immediately detected and shot down.

“The claims are false, as usual,” the ministry said in a statement posted on X, adding that militant camps were located and operated inside territory controlled by the Afghan Taliban.

The dispute reflects a longstanding disagreement between the two governments over militant activity along their shared border. Islamabad has repeatedly accused Kabul of providing sanctuary to armed groups responsible for attacks inside Pakistan, allegations the Taliban administration denies.

Afghan officials maintain that militancy within Pakistan is an internal security issue and reject claims that Afghan territory is being used to stage cross-border attacks.

Relations between the two countries have deteriorated sharply despite diplomatic efforts, including mediation initiatives backed by China, aimed at reducing tensions and restoring security cooperation.

The latest exchange comes days after Pakistan conducted airstrikes in Afghan border provinces. The Taliban government said those strikes killed at least 13 people, including 11 children, and wounded 14 others.

Pakistan described the operation as a calibrated response to a recent surge in militant attacks in its northwestern regions and said 26 militants were killed.

The conflicting accounts underscore the deep mistrust between Kabul and Islamabad as violence along the frontier continues to challenge regional stability.

A US airstrike in southern Somalia that killed at least 12 civilians, including eight children, in November 2025 has raised renewed questions over the consequences of American military operations targeting armed groups in the country.

The strike took place in Jamaame, a town in Somalia’s Lower Juba region, on the morning of Nov. 15, according to accounts gathered from residents and reviewed evidence from the attack site. The United States has not publicly acknowledged civilian deaths from the operation.

Residents said the attack began shortly after 9 a.m. when aircraft were heard above the town. Witnesses described a series of explosions that struck residential areas and a religious school, leaving homes damaged or destroyed.The victims included children who had been returning from Qur’an school, families inside their homes, and a pregnant woman, according to relatives and witnesses.

The US military confirmed that it had conducted an operation against al-Shabaab, an armed group linked to al-Qaida that has carried out attacks in Somalia and neighbouring countries. The strike was part of a wider campaign of US air operations aimed at disrupting the group.Residents said the aircraft involved were likely drones.

The weaponry used in the attack was not publicly disclosed, but witnesses described repeated missile strikes consistent with the use of remotely piloted aircraft.At one home in Jamaame, relatives said the attack killed Safiyo Hassan Abukar, who was heavily pregnant, along with her children Abdifatah, 10, Abdinasir, 7, Hussein, 6, and Abdurahman, 4.Mohamed, the children’s grandfather, said he rushed to the scene after hearing explosions and found debris scattered around the destroyed house.

He said Abdifatah was often close to his mother and helped her with household tasks. He described Abdinasir as a child who regularly asked him to pray so he could memorise the Qur’an.Other residents reported similar losses.

Marian Haji Abdi Guled said her children were returning from Qur’an school when the attack occurred. She said the sound of aircraft overhead caused fear among residents before the strikes hit.According to Guled, her children were injured when missiles struck nearby.

She said the area became chaotic as residents attempted to move away from the attacks.Maryan Nur Buruji said her pregnant stepdaughter sought shelter at the Qur’an school with her two-year-old child. She said the school was later hit, killing the woman while the toddler survived.

Another resident, Mohamed Hassan Abdulle, said he returned to find his home destroyed and his wife, Farhiyo Hassan Nuur, and their 10-month-old daughter, Layla, dead.Farmers working outside the town also described receiving urgent calls from relatives as the attack unfolded.Gedow Ibrahim said he was working in his sesame fields when his wife called, warning him that drones were flying overhead.

He told her to remain inside, but later received another call saying their home had been hit.He said his daughters Maryan, 9, and Farhiyo, 7, were killed, while another child, Amin, 8, was injured by shrapnel.The attack also killed other residents, including a local imam, according to witnesses.

Residents said at least 15 explosions were heard and that numerous homes were damaged. Witnesses estimated that about 18 houses were destroyed, while the school was heavily damaged.The incident is among the deadliest reported civilian casualties from a US operation in Somalia in recent years.

Previous major incidents involving US forces in Somalia include the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, known as “Black Hawk Down,” which resulted in significant casualties during a failed US military mission.The strike occurred months after the start of the second Trump administration, during a period when US policy toward Somalia was being reassessed.

In early 2025, US defence officials held discussions with senior officers from US Africa Command, which oversees American military operations on the continent.A directive issued during that period changed procedures governing aspects of US military operations, according to reporting on the policy shift. The effect of those changes on individual operations was not publicly detailed.

US officials have repeatedly said American military action in Somalia is aimed at preventing attacks by al-Shabaab and reducing the group’s ability to operate. The group has controlled territory in parts of Somalia at various times and has carried out attacks against civilians, government forces, and international targets.

Human rights organisations have previously raised concerns about civilian harm from airstrikes in Somalia and other conflict zones, calling for greater transparency around targeting decisions and investigations into possible civilian casualties.The Jamaame strike has renewed scrutiny over the balance between counterterrorism operations and civilian protection in areas where armed groups operate among local populations.

For the families affected, the consequences remain centred on the loss of relatives who were inside homes, travelling from school, or working nearby when the strikes occurred.Abdullahi Mohamed Abo Sheikh Ali, whose family was killed, said he believed civilians had been caught in the attack.

“The Americans bombed us,” he said. “Children, women and elders were bombed. They spared nothing.”

The resolution, sponsored by China, extends the mandate of the UN political mission in Afghanistan, known as UNAMA, until June 17, 2027, and reinforces its role in supporting humanitarian assistance and promoting inclusive governance without discrimination based on sex, religion or ethnicity.

It also calls for the “full, equal, meaningful and safe participation” of women, minorities, youth and persons with disabilities in Afghanistan’s political and social life, according to the text adopted by the Council.

The vote followed reports of the arrest of at least 30 women in the western city of Herat this month for allegedly violating Taliban-imposed dress regulations, an incident that triggered a rare protest which was dispersed by security forces, according to the UN mission.

The Taliban, who regained control of Afghanistan in 2021 following the withdrawal of US-led forces, have imposed sweeping restrictions on women’s rights, including limits on education beyond primary school and access to employment, drawing repeated condemnation from international organisations.

United States deputy ambassador Jennifer Locetta said the Taliban must meet international obligations, end abuses against women and girls, and address counterterrorism commitments, including concerns over militant activity in the country.

Pakistan’s UN ambassador Asim Ahmad said the resolution also reflected concern over the presence of armed groups operating in Afghanistan that pose a threat to regional stability, amid ongoing cross-border tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

The Security Council resolution further authorises UNAMA to facilitate dialogue between the Taliban and regional actors and to support Afghanistan’s economic recovery, including efforts related to financial systems and the possible return of central bank assets for humanitarian use.

Residents in central Mali told Reuters that fighters from Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) now collect taxes, settle local disputes and distribute aid in some communities, while using fewer threats than in previous years.

Five years ago, militants in some villages threatened people who challenged their interpretation of Islam, according to residents. More recently, they have focused on religious messaging and local administration, they said.

JNIM, formed in 2017 after several militant groups merged and pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda, has spent years expanding across the Sahel region. The group has imposed restrictions including bans on music, smoking and some social activities while carrying out attacks against state forces.

The group gained strength after Mali’s military rulers took power in 2020 and removed French and United Nations forces from the country, while seeking support from Russian military contractors. JNIM later carried out major attacks, including strikes in Bamako and assaults on military positions.

Despite its military operations, residents and analysts said JNIM has increasingly sought to present itself as a governing authority in areas where it holds influence.

“The stronger they have become, the less brutal they have to be,” said Sahel expert Corinne Dufka, adding that residents’ acceptance of JNIM rule was shaped by a combination of coercion, fear and adaptation.

Tuareg-led separatist leader Bilal Ag Cherif, whose movement has cooperated with JNIM in parts of northern Mali, said he had observed changes within the group, including greater openness to local interpretations of Islam and discussions on political issues.

The separatists, now known as the Azawad Liberation Front, have urged JNIM fighters to distance themselves from Al-Qaeda and focus more on local concerns, Cherif said.

JNIM has said it aims to remove Russian forces from Mali and challenge the military leaders who seized power after coups in 2020 and 2021. The group has also increased messaging aimed at gaining wider support among Malians.

Mali’s government has rejected talks with armed groups, with Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop saying the authorities would not negotiate with groups responsible for violence in the country.

JNIM remains accused of severe abuses, including killings and attacks on civilians. In January, the group was blamed for an attack on a fuel convoy that killed 12 people, while attacks in May killed about 50 people in central Mali.

Some residents living under JNIM control said the group’s rule was now more predictable than earlier periods of conflict, though freedoms remained restricted.

“Since JNIM has controlled the area, we are safe. Even though their rule is difficult to respect, we have gotten used to it,” said Aminata, a resident of the Mopti region.

Analysts say JNIM’s approach reflects a broader shift among militant groups in the Sahel, where insurgents increasingly seek local legitimacy while continuing armed campaigns against governments.

Mali’s authorities and Russian partners have denied accusations of targeting civilians, saying their operations focus on militants.

The ministry identified the detainee as Qais Hassan al-Abd al-Rajab, a former brigadier general who previously served as deputy director of the General Intelligence Directorate, also known as State Security.

According to a statement published on the Interior Ministry’s Telegram channel, al-Abd al-Rajab was detained by the Counterterrorism Directorate after what authorities described as extensive tracking operations.

He is accused of involvement in violations against residents of the Damascus countryside, including areas such as Hajar al-Aswad, Daraya and Moadamiyat al-Sham, as well as parts of Daraa province, the ministry said.

Officials said the suspect had attempted to evade arrest prior to his detention, and that investigations are ongoing ahead of legal proceedings and referral to the judiciary.

Interior Minister Anas Khattab said in earlier remarks that security forces continue to pursue individuals accused of crimes committed under the former Assad administration as part of wider accountability efforts.

He added that intelligence and internal security units were conducting surveillance and enforcement operations aimed at bringing suspects before the courts.

The arrest comes amid ongoing efforts by Syrian authorities to investigate alleged abuses committed during the Assad era, including broader transitional justice measures and attempts to document violations against civilians.

The source, who requested anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter, said Al-Sharaa had been invited to travel to the United States later this month but did not confirm whether the Syrian leader would accept the invitation.

The proposed visit would come months after Al-Sharaa met U.S. President Donald Trump in November, marking the first visit by a Syrian head of state to the United States since Syria gained independence in 1946.

The invitation coincides with Trump’s 80th birthday celebrations on June 14. Trump is scheduled to host an event at the White House on that day.

Relations between the United States and Syria have improved significantly since Al-Sharaa assumed power after the overthrow of Assad in 2024. Washington subsequently lifted sanctions on Syria, while Damascus joined the international coalition against Daesh.

The invitation also follows recent comments by Trump suggesting Syria could play a role in addressing security concerns linked to Hezbollah in neighboring Lebanon.

In remarks to NBC last week, Trump said Al-Sharaa was willing to assist efforts against the Iran-backed group. He described the Syrian leader as having made significant progress in a short period and indicated that Damascus could help address regional security challenges.

According to a diplomat familiar with the matter, Washington has encouraged Syria since the outbreak of the Israel-Hezbollah conflict in March to take a more active position regarding Hezbollah’s activities in Lebanon.

Any potential Syrian involvement would be politically sensitive. Syria maintained close ties with Hezbollah under the Assad government and exerted significant influence in Lebanon for decades following its intervention in the country’s 1975-1990 civil war. Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon in 2005.

Hezbollah also fought alongside Assad’s government during Syria’s civil war, a factor that has contributed to strained relations between the group and Syria’s current leadership.

Neither Syrian authorities nor U.S. officials immediately commented publicly on whether Al-Sharaa would travel to Washington following the invitation.

Hajji Najibullah was convicted after pleading guilty in April 2025 to providing material support for terrorism and conspiring to take hostages. Prosecutors said he supplied weapons to the Taliban between 2007 and 2009, knowing they would be used in operations against US forces in Afghanistan.

The sentencing hearing in Manhattan federal court included emotional testimony from journalist David Rohde, who Najibullah helped abduct in 2008 along with two other men. Rohde described how he was initially lured under the pretense of an interview before being taken hostage, calling hostage-taking a “cruel and cowardly crime.”

Rohde, now a national security reporter for MSNOW and formerly with The New York Times, said Najibullah had failed to accept full responsibility for his actions and had attempted to shift blame during proceedings. He also spoke about the suffering endured by hostages’ families and the psychological toll of prolonged captivity.

The journalists were held for more than seven months before escaping from a Taliban-controlled compound in Pakistan’s tribal areas, according to court testimony.
Najibullah apologized in court, telling Rohde and his family that what happened was “terrible” and expressing deep regret over his role.

However, the court also heard that his activities contributed to broader Taliban operations that resulted in the deaths of US soldiers in separate incidents.

During the hearing, Rohde referenced three US soldiers killed in operations linked to Najibullah’s associates, emphasizing the lasting impact of the attacks and the human cost of the conflict.

The case is part of a wider series of US prosecutions targeting former Taliban-linked militants involved in cross-border violence, hostage-taking, and attacks on coalition forces during the war in Afghanistan.

Shams Sadiq, 51, who owns two cafes in Manchester and has publicly supported Palestinian causes, said the approach occurred on May 15 at Ashton-under-Lyne police station when he attended to retrieve electronic devices seized following his arrest last year in connection with alleged offenses linked to Palestine Action.

Sadiq told The Guardian that two officers, whom he believed were connected to Operation Wildflower, a Greater Manchester Police initiative focused on activism-related concerns, informed him they were aware of his involvement with Palestine Action but that no charges would be brought arising from his arrest.

According to Sadiq, the officers then sought his cooperation, telling him there were advantages to assisting authorities. He alleged that financial benefits were discussed and that officers suggested they could overlook certain minor infractions, while making clear that serious crimes would not be tolerated.

Sadiq said the officers also referenced his standing within the local community, leading him to believe they were interested in information about individuals attending mosques or holding extremist views.

The allegations come amid heightened scrutiny of Palestine Action, a pro-Palestinian activist organization that has faced increased attention from British authorities over direct-action campaigns targeting companies and institutions linked to Israel.

In a separate incident four days before the alleged recruitment attempt, Sadiq said he was stopped and questioned for more than three hours at Manchester Airport under Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act after returning from Morocco. He was not arrested but said officers questioned him about Palestine Action, Iran and his financial circumstances, including his mortgage obligations.

Sadiq told The Guardian that his electronic devices were confiscated during the airport stop and later returned following a meeting with officers at the airport. He said the officers were cordial and apologetic during that encounter.

A vocal supporter of Palestinian causes, Sadiq has attended demonstrations and produced stickers for Palestinian organizations and cultural events. Local media previously reported that miniature Israeli flags were placed on the door of one of his cafes following his public activism.

Sadiq said he decided to speak publicly about the alleged recruitment effort because of concerns for his safety and reputation. He said his arrest last year had affected relationships within his community and that he feared ongoing scrutiny despite not being charged.
His solicitor, Simon Pook, said formal representations were being made to Greater Manchester Police regarding the incident.

Pook questioned whether the use of Schedule 7 powers was appropriate if the objective had been to encourage cooperation with law enforcement rather than investigate suspected terrorism-related activity.
Neither police nor other authorities were quoted in the report as responding to the allegations.