The Louisiana legislature approved the revised congressional plan despite objections from civil rights advocates and Democratic lawmakers, who argued the changes would weaken Black voter representation in a state where African Americans make up nearly one-third of the population.

The redistricting dispute has emerged as part of a broader nationwide fight over electoral boundaries, voting rights and partisan control of Congress, with both Republicans and Democrats increasingly using state legislatures and courts to shape district maps.

Newsom criticized Republican efforts during public remarks Thursday, accusing the party of attempting to dilute minority voting power through aggressive redistricting strategies.“This is stone-cold racism,” Newsom said, according to remarks carried in U.S. political coverage of the debate.

Republican lawmakers in Louisiana defended the plan as legally permissible and consistent with broader constitutional requirements governing congressional districts.The revised map is expected to face legal challenges from voting rights organizations and civil liberties groups, particularly under provisions of the federal Voting Rights Act designed to protect minority representation.

Redistricting battles have intensified across several U.S. states following recent court rulings and demographic shifts reflected in census data, with disputes often centered on whether district boundaries unfairly favor one political party or diminish the electoral influence of minority communities.

The issue has become especially contentious in southern states where changing population patterns and polarized voting blocs have heightened scrutiny of congressional maps.

Civil rights advocates argue that reducing majority-Black districts could undermine decades of protections established under federal voting rights legislation, while Republicans in several states maintain that race should not be the dominant factor in drawing district boundaries.

The Louisiana decision is likely to increase pressure on federal courts already weighing similar challenges involving congressional and legislative maps nationwide.

Anthony James Kazmierczak, 55, pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court to one count of assaulting a United States officer in connection with the Jan. 27 incident, in which prosecutors said he sprayed Omar with apple cider vinegar from a syringe during a public event focused on immigration enforcement policies.

The Justice Department said Kazmierczak acknowledged during a hearing before U.S. District Judge Joan Ericksen that he had planned the assault in advance and acted because he disagreed with Omar’s positions on immigration and federal enforcement actions.

The attack occurred as Omar criticized the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency’s operations in Minnesota and discussed fatal shootings involving federal agents in Minneapolis. Authorities said the liquid sprayed on Omar’s clothing and skin was later confirmed through laboratory analysis to contain acetic acid.

Omar was not injured.Security personnel subdued Kazmierczak after he shouted and gestured toward Omar during the event, according to officials. He was later arrested, while the town hall resumed after a temporary disruption.Omar, a Somali-born Muslim lawmaker who arrived in the United States as a refugee child and became a U.S. citizen in 2000, has frequently been the target of political attacks and threats linked to her outspoken criticism of Republican immigration policies and U.S. foreign policy.

President Donald Trump has repeatedly criticized Omar publicly and on social media, including remarks questioning her place in the United States and calling for punitive action against her. Civil rights advocates and political analysts have warned that increasingly hostile rhetoric directed at elected officials has contributed to a broader rise in political intimidation and violence across the country.

The Justice Department did not immediately disclose a sentencing date. Federal assault charges involving attacks on elected officials can carry prison terms and financial penalties depending on the severity of the offense and intent established by prosecutors.

The Narges Mohammadi Foundation said on Friday that Mohammadi was urgently moved to a hospital in Zanjan after prison doctors concluded her condition could no longer be managed inside the detention facility.

According to the foundation, the activist suffered two episodes of complete loss of consciousness, severe nausea, dangerously high blood pressure and repeated vomiting before fainting on Friday morning and being taken to the prison medical unit for emergency intravenous treatment.

The statement described the hospital transfer as a “desperate, last-minute” measure and warned it could come too late to address her critical health condition. Reuters could not immediately independently verify the claims.Mohammadi, in her 50s, won the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize while serving a prison sentence for her activism on women’s rights, freedom of expression and opposition to the death penalty in Iran.

She has become one of the country’s most prominent human rights campaigners and a leading voice against state repression.The secretary of the Norwegian Nobel Committee said on Thursday there was growing concern over her worsening condition after reports that she had suffered a heart attack in prison.

Mohammadi has undergone three angioplasty procedures, according to her family, and faces what they described as a “direct and immediate” threat to her life if she does not receive specialist medical treatment in Tehran.Her family called for all charges against her to be dropped immediately and for the annulment of prison sentences linked to what they described as her peaceful human rights work.

The activist was sentenced earlier this year to an additional seven-and-a-half years in prison, according to the foundation. In February, the Nobel Committee urged Iranian authorities to release her without delay.She was arrested in December after publicly condemning the death of lawyer Khosrow Alikordi.

Iranian prosecutor Hasan Hematifar said at the time that Mohammadi made provocative remarks during Alikordi’s memorial ceremony in Mashhad and encouraged attendees to chant what authorities called norm-breaking slogans and disturb public order.Iranian authorities have not immediately commented on Friday’s hospitalization.

Mohammadi has spent years in and out of prison over charges related to national security and anti-state propaganda, accusations rights groups say are frequently used against dissidents and civil society activists in Iran.Her case has drawn sustained international attention, particularly since nationwide protests over women’s rights and political freedoms intensified scrutiny of Iran’s treatment of activists, journalists and political prisoners.

Chirinne Ardakani, a France-based lawyer representing Mohammadi, said two Iranian lawyers and the activist’s sister visited her at Zanjan Prison on Sunday and found her in a weakened condition.

According to Ardakani, Mohammadi, 53, appeared pale, had lost significant weight and was being assisted by a nurse during the visit. Mohammadi told her lawyers that she had been unconscious for more than an hour on March 24 and was later informed by a prison doctor that she had likely suffered a heart attack.

She has since experienced recurring chest pain and breathing difficulties, Ardakani said, adding that Mohammadi described her condition as severe.The lawyer said authorities have denied requests to transfer Mohammadi to a hospital or allow her to see a cardiologist.

Direct communication with Mohammadi’s Iran-based lawyers was not immediately possible, as they do not speak to media. Ardakani said an internet blackout in Iran has further restricted information flow, noting that speaking to foreign media without authorization can lead to prison sentences.

A prison official was present during the visit, which was brief.Background and legal statusMohammadi, a rights lawyer, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2023 while in prison.

She was arrested again in December in Mashhad and sentenced to an additional seven years in prison following a ruling by a Revolutionary Court.Prior to that, she had been serving a sentence of 13 years and nine months on charges related to national security and propaganda, though she had been released on medical furlough in late 2024.

Her husband, Taghi Rahmani, previously said her health had deteriorated following alleged physical abuse during her December arrest.

Mohammadi has a history of heart problems and has suffered multiple heart attacks in custody, undergoing emergency surgery in 2022, according to her supporters.

The Nobel Committee last month criticized what it described as life-threatening mistreatment of Mohammadi by Iranian authorities.

Co-Author SM Faiyaz Hossain

Under the current interim regime, extrajudicial violence has not merely been tolerated; it has been routinized.

Once lionized as the “banker to the poor,” Mohammad Yunus the microcredit mythologist now presides—directly or symbolically—over a Bangladesh in slow-motion disintegration. Over the past fourteen months, the mounting crises—economic, legal, social and political—no longer speak of mere instability; they shout systemic collapse and kleptocracy. Yunus’s promise of reform now rings hollow amid daily horrors.

The promise reflects his longstanding fictitious tales of donor friendly rhetoric and fundraising manuals pertaining to three zeros; and sending poverty to museums. 

Economic Stagnation and Social Collapse

Bangladesh’s long-praised growth trajectory has lost traction. In FY 2024–25, growth fell to 4.1 %, the weakest since the COVID era, per World Bank assessment. If the investment drought deepens, projections suggest a drop toward 3.3 % in 2025.

Over 100 garment factories have shuttered over the past year, costing tens of thousands of jobs (Daily Industry BD). Official unemployment hovers at 4.6 %, but a deeper reckoning of underemployment, youth joblessness, and hidden labor markets suggests far higher human cost (Daily Observer). Nearly 85 % of workers remain informal—no contracts, no social protection (Dhaka Tribune).

In industrial belts like Gazipur, police acknowledge many arrested for petty theft or street mugging are recently laid-off factory workers (New Age). When the state fails to provide, survival becomes the only logic, and crime swells to fill the void.

Theories of Yunus delivered to convince his Western philanthropists have failed to make financial relevance with Global investors. Yunus doesn’t just lack political acumen, he was too naïve to begin his step in the game. 

Lawlessness, State Terror, and Mob Carnage

Justice no longer exists as a concept, only as a performative façade masking systemic brutality and institutional collapse. Under the current interim regime, extrajudicial violence has not merely been tolerated; it has been routinized. In the first quarter of 2025 alone, at least 8 extrajudicial killings and 19 deaths in custody were documented.

Between August 2024 and March 2025, human rights monitors recorded 20 such killings, involving torture, beatings, and summary executions. Mob lynchings have surged with terrifying ferocity: between mid-2024 and mid-2025, at least 637 people were lynched—representing a twelvefold increase from the 51 deaths recorded in 2023.

This wave of vigilante violence has been met with state indifference—if not tacit encouragement. Simultaneously, religious minorities have been subjected to a coordinated campaign of persecution: between August 2024 and June 2025, 2,442 hate crimes—including arson, sexual assaults, desecration of temples and churches, and targeted killings—were recorded, underscoring a culture of impunity that has metastasized into open terror.

These are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a regime where law is weaponized, justice is ornamental, and human life is expendable.

Since Muhammad Yunus assumed office, there has been a disturbing rise in alleged political persecution through the legal system: arrests, false lawsuits, and invented murder charges serving as tools of harassment rather than justice. Beyond the courts, thousands have been detained under Operation Devil Hunt, with over 11,300 arrests reported by late February 2025, many allegedly including people with only tenuous or no links to criminal acts. 

Yunus never had, never tried for public mandate. Employed by the protesters of July uprising is far from being a democratic mandate. Yunus never had the courage to face a public referendum to justify his throne. He preferred to enjoy the authority, ban political parties without referendum and promote divisive rhetoric among the masses. 

Women, Children, and the Machinery of Cruelty

The sexual violence statistics are a national disgrace. In the first half of 2025, 481 rape cases were reported—nearing the total for all of 2024 (The Daily Star). Child rape cases, in just one seven-month span, rose by 75 % (The Daily Star).

Protests led by women or students are met with torture, rape threats, solitary confinement (Human Rights Watch). Ibtedayi teachers demanding job recognition were beaten, tear-gassed, and dispersed in January 2025 (JMBF).

Prisons continue to serve as killing grounds. Deaths in custody are frequent; euphemisms like “heart attacks” or “natural causes” mask systematic violence.

Corpses in Rivers: the Floating Dead

A macabre trend haunts Bangladesh’s waterways. River police data show that in 2025, an average of 43 bodies each month have been pulled from rivers, up from 36 per month in 2024. From January to July 2025 alone, 301 bodies were recovered; 92 remain unidentified. Narayanganj recorded 34 recoveries, Dhaka 32 (Daily Star).

In one case, a woman and a child were found floating in the Buriganga River, both strangled before being dumped, according to autopsy (Financial Post BD). In late August, a headless body was recovered from the Shitalakkhya River in Narayanganj; the victim was later identified as a 27-year-old man (Financial Post BD).

In Keraniganj, the bodies of a man and woman were discovered tied with a 50-kg rice sack, and another victim in a burqa drifted nearby (Financial Post BD).

In Netrokona District (March 2025), the bodies of three fish poachers were found in the Dhanu River after clashes involving community groups (bdnews24). In Chandpur, two older men were retrieved from the Dakatia River—one with visible stab wounds and a severed leg vein (Dhaka Tribune)¹⁷.

In Khulna, over 50 bodies were pulled from various rivers between August 2024 and September 2025; 20 remain unidentified (Khulna naval police). In Chandpur’s Meghna River, seven bodies from an Al Bakhira cargo vessel murder were handed over to families—and a probe committee was formed (BD Pratidin).

Notably, the body of journalist Bibhuranjan Sarkar—after threats and intimidation—was recovered from the Meghna River in Munshiganj in August 2025 (IFJ / BMSF).

These are not accidents or drownings; they are executions turned invisible, pollution turned weapon, rivers made into graveyards without funeral. 

Passport, Visas, and Global Shame

Bangladesh’s passport value has eroded, visa rejections are multiplying, and global watchdogs—HRW, Odhikar, UN human rights bodies—have flagged Dhaka for systemic violations.

The moral capital of the country is bankrupt. Investors and donors hesitate to engage with a government intertwined with terror, silence, and complicity.

Disasters as Symptoms, Not Anomalies

The October 13, 2025 garment-chemical factory fire in Dhaka, which killed 16 workers, was not a random accident — it was a preventable massacre. Locked rooftop escape doors and unchecked toxic gas turned the building into a sealed crematorium.

Days later, the Yunus government has failed to launch any credible investigation, identify the factory owners, or bring those responsible to justice.

No arrests have been made, no compensation schemes publicly disclosed, and no structural safety audits initiated. Instead, the administration has issued vague statements and deflected responsibility, shielding business interests at the expense of workers’ lives. This silence is not mere negligence — it is complicity. 

This is not a standalone incident, rather a pattern. The handling of the Gazi Tire Factory fire tragedy reflects a troubling pattern of negligence and institutional disregard for accountability.

Despite the devastating loss of life and clear safety failures, Yunus—under whose interim government the incident unfolded—failed to ensure a thorough, transparent investigation or meaningful compensation for victims’ families.

This inaction not only denied justice to the workers but also signaled an alarming indifference to labor rights and workplace safety. In the past 13 months, similar negligence has been observed in incidents such as the Hazaribagh factory fire (2024) and the Chittagong shipbreaking yard accidents (2024-2025), where victims were met with inadequate investigations and stalled compensation efforts.

By neglecting to pursue corporate responsibility and systemic reform, Yunus reinforced the vulnerability of industrial workers in Bangladesh, deepening mistrust between the state and its most exploited laborers. His failure to act decisively in the aftermath stands as a stark contradiction to his international image as a champion of social justice.

Over the past 13 months of the Yunus regime, Bangladesh’s labour sector has been trapped in a cycle of grand promises, fragile protections, and cynical neglect. The government’s repeated declarations of “historic reforms” amounted to little more than political theatre, as factory floors across the country continued to mirror a grim reality of wage theft, unsafe workplaces, and repressed voices.

While MoLE boasted of upcoming amendments to labour laws, millions of workers — especially in the sprawling informal sector — remained invisible to the legal system. Inspection bodies were underfunded and toothless, allowing factory owners to operate with impunity as thousands were laid off illegally, denied benefits, and silenced when they protested.

Unionization was stifled, particularly in Export Processing Zones, where rights existed only on paper, and “social audits” became nothing more than PR rituals for global brands. Worker unrest exploded repeatedly, from delayed Eid allowances to unpaid salaries and unsafe conditions, yet the government responded with empty press briefings and tokenistic committees.

The much-touted October 2025 labour law reform deadline became a symbol of inertia, tangled in corporate resistance and bureaucratic gamesmanship. The past year has laid bare a bitter truth: under Yunus’s leadership, labour rights were not defended — they were traded off, delayed, and dismissed, leaving workers to fight alone against a system designed to exploit them.

From Savior Icon to Enabler of Decay

Mohammad Yunus once embodied a hopeful alternative—microcredit, grassroots empowerment, moral leadership. Yet under his interim leadership, Bangladesh is unravelling in every direction: economic collapse, mob justice, sexual violence, extrajudicial killings, rivers flooded with corpses, and institutional impotence. From Teachers to slums, the elites to poets all have suffered under the Yunus’ reign of Terror. 

Yunus may not have physically ordered every atrocity, but he now presides over a regime that normalized them. His Nobel halo cannot conceal the inferno beneath. Rebuilding a nation demands more than symbolic leadership—it demands justice, accountability, and courage. Today, Bangladesh has none. Yunus had the opportunity to unite the nation and develop a social contract among the political parties. Instead what Yunus has contributed had cemented a pipeline for cycle of violence to multiply in the future. 

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.