Trivedi, 75, a former railways and health minister and a member of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), is expected to take up the assignment shortly, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said in a statement.

The appointment comes as India seeks to restore trust with Bangladesh after bilateral relations deteriorated in 2024, when a popular uprising forced then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee to New Delhi, where she remains.

Her removal strained ties during the tenure of Bangladesh’s interim administration, which Indian officials viewed as moving closer to China, raising strategic concerns in New Delhi over Beijing’s expanding influence in South Asia.

Relations began improving after February elections brought Tarique Rahman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to power, replacing the interim government and opening space for renewed diplomatic engagement between the two countries.

Trivedi’s appointment is seen as politically significant because India typically appoints senior career foreign service officers to such diplomatic posts. His political background and long experience in national and regional politics suggest New Delhi is seeking a more direct political channel in managing relations with Dhaka.

He joined the BJP in 2021 after leaving a regional political party in West Bengal, the Indian state bordering Bangladesh that plays a central role in cross-border trade, migration and security issues.West Bengal is also strategically important for Modi’s party as it seeks to expand its electoral footprint in ongoing state-level political contests.

Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan, was part of British India before partition in 1947 and became independent in 1971 with military and political support from India, making the bilateral relationship historically sensitive and strategically significant.

Bangladesh’s foreign minister visited New Delhi earlier this month seeking increased fuel and fertiliser supplies, stronger energy cooperation and relaxed travel restrictions for Bangladeshi citizens.

However, one of the most sensitive unresolved issues remains India’s refusal so far to extradite Hasina, a point of friction in the relationship despite the broader diplomatic thaw.India has not publicly indicated any change in its position regarding Hasina, whose continued stay in New Delhi remains politically contentious in Bangladesh.

The appointment of Trivedi underscores India’s effort to preserve its influence in Dhaka at a time when Beijing continues to expand economic and strategic ties across the region through infrastructure investment, trade and defense cooperation.

The logistics of Modi’s schedule further weaken Kharge’s claim. Organizing a high-profile international trip like the Saudi visit requires weeks of preparation, leaving little room for a last-minute Kashmir visit.

In a startling accusation, Mallikarjun Kharge, president of India’s opposition Congress Party, recently claimed that Prime Minister Narendra Modi canceled a planned visit to Kashmir after receiving an intelligence warning three days before the devastating Pahalgam attack on April 22, 2025.

The attack, which killed 26 people, mostly tourists, in the scenic Kashmir valley, sent shockwaves across India and beyond, intensifying regional tensions. Kharge’s allegation, widely shared on platforms like IndiaToday and Beatroot, has ignited controversy, with critics calling it a politically motivated fabrication.

For an international audience seeking clarity, a closer look at the timeline, Modi’s schedule, and the complexities of India’s security landscape reveals a claim that lacks evidence and struggles to hold up.

The Pahalgam Attack: A Brutal Blow

The Pahalgam attack ranks among the deadliest in Jammu and Kashmir in nearly two decades. On April 22, 2025, at 2:30 PM local time, gunmen targeted Hindu tourists in Baisaran meadow, a picturesque spot in the Kashmir valley. The Resistance Front (TRF), a militant group linked to Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba, initially claimed responsibility before retracting its statement due to public backlash.

India accused Pakistan of orchestrating the attack, further straining already tense relations between the nuclear-armed neighbors. The tragedy not only highlighted the fragility of security in Kashmir—a disputed region claimed by both India and Pakistan—but also raised questions about intelligence failures.

Kharge’s claim centers on a specific assertion: Modi received an intelligence report on April 19, 2025, warning of the attack and promptly canceled a planned Kashmir visit to avoid danger. The accusation paints Modi as prioritizing personal safety over leadership in a crisis. But when examined against verifiable facts, the narrative begins to crumble.

Modi’s Schedule: No Trace of a Kashmir Trip

First, let’s consider Modi’s itinerary. On April 19, 2025—the day Kharge alleges Modi was warned—India’s Ministry of External Affairs announced Modi’s upcoming visit to Saudi Arabia, scheduled for April 22–23. Modi arrived in Jeddah on April 22, where he was set to co-chair the second India-Saudi Arabia Strategic Partnership Council meeting, a key diplomatic engagement to strengthen bilateral ties.

When news of the Pahalgam attack broke, Modi cut his visit short, skipping a formal dinner, and returned to New Delhi on April 23 to convene an emergency meeting with top officials, including Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. This timeline, corroborated by global media outlets like The Hindu, shows Modi’s focus was on international diplomacy, not a domestic trip to Kashmir.

No evidence suggests a Kashmir visit was ever planned. Modi’s trips to volatile regions like Kashmir are often unannounced for security reasons, but no government statements, media reports, or credible social media sources indicate a scheduled visit in April 2025.

Modi’s last major Kashmir trip was in January 2025, to the resort town of Sonamarg where he inaugurated the 6.5-kilometer tunnel. Kharge’s claim of a cancellation implies a visit was on the table, but without documentation, it appears speculative. Open-source intelligence platforms, found no mention of a planned Kashmir trip in the days before the attack, undermining Kharge’s narrative.

The Intelligence Puzzle

Kharge’s allegation also hinges on the existence of a specific intelligence report warning of the Pahalgam attack. India’s intelligence agencies, such as the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and the Intelligence Bureau (IB), routinely monitor threats in Kashmir, where militancy remains a persistent challenge.

These reports are highly classified, and specific warnings are rarely made public. This suggests that while general intelligence on militant activity likely existed, a precise warning about the April 22 attack may not have been issued—or was not actionable.

Kharge provides no evidence to support his claim of a specific report. As an opposition leader, his access to classified intelligence would likely come from unofficial channels or leaking buckets, casting doubt on the reliability of his statement. Without corroboration, the claim risks fueling misinformation in a region already fraught with competing narratives.

Modi’s Response: Crisis Management, Not Evasion

Modi’s actions after the attack contrast sharply with Kharge’s portrayal. Upon returning to Delhi, Modi chaired an emergency meeting, condemned the attack as “cowardly,” and vowed to bring the perpetrators to justice, as reported by The Hindu.

His government launched a sweeping response, detaining over 1,500 suspects, demolishing homes of alleged militants, and suspending the Indus Waters Treaty with Pakistan—a 1960 agreement governing shared river resources. Modi even rerouted his return flight to avoid Pakistani airspace, signaling a hardline stance. These measures reflect a leader grappling with a national crisis, not one dodging responsibility by canceling a visit.

The Political Context

To understand Kharge’s claim, it’s crucial to consider India’s domestic politics. The Congress Party has long criticized Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government over its Kashmir policy, particularly the 2019 decision to revoke Article 370, which stripped Jammu and Kashmir of its semi-autonomous status. The BJP touted this move as a path to stability, but the Pahalgam attack challenged that narrative, giving the opposition an opening to question Modi’s leadership.

Kharge’s allegation aligns with this strategy, aiming to portray Modi as detached or negligent. However, without evidence, the claim has drawn backlash, with social media posts on X labeling it “venomous” and accusing Kharge of inadvertently bolstering Pakistan’s narrative—a risky move for Congress’s credibility.

Logistical Realities

The logistics of Modi’s schedule further weaken Kharge’s claim. Organizing a high-profile international trip like the Saudi visit requires weeks of preparation, leaving little room for a last-minute Kashmir visit.

Why It Matters

The Pahalgam attack underscores the enduring volatility of Jammu and Kashmir, a region at the heart of India-Pakistan tensions for decades. Beyond the human toll, the tragedy highlights the challenges of securing a conflict-prone area while navigating geopolitical rivalries. Kharge’s claim, while attention-grabbing, lacks the evidence needed to hold up under scrutiny.

Modi’s documented schedule, the absence of a confirmed Kashmir visit, and the speculative nature of the intelligence report all point to a narrative driven more by political point-scoring than by facts.

For the international community, this episode serves as a reminder of the complexities of India’s internal and external challenges. The focus should remain on addressing the root causes of violence in Kashmir—enhancing security, fostering dialogue, and ensuring justice for victims.

Unsubstantiated claims like Kharge’s, while sparking debate, risk diverting attention from these critical priorities. In a region where truth is often obscured by competing narratives, facts must guide the path forward.

Prophet Mohammad honored him by saying, “He was the best of the Jews”, recognizing his noble spirit and contribution to the broader cause.

On April 2, 2025, during a intense parliamentary debate over the Waqf Amendment Bill, India’s ruling party’s lawmaker Nishikant Dubey made a striking reference that caught the attention of both historians and common citizens alike. While defending the bill, which proposes to bring structural reforms and inclusivity to the administration of waqf properties, Dubey cited the example of a 7th-century Jewish scholar and leader—Rabbi Mukhayriq.

His words triggered a wave of curiosity about a figure not often mentioned in popular discourse—especially within Indian political conversations. Who was this Rabbi, and why is he relevant in today’s debate on religious property and national interest?

Who Was Rabbi Mukhayriq?

Rabbi Mukhayriq was a prominent Jewish scholar and wealthy landowner from the Banu Tha’labah tribe of Medina. He lived during the time of Prophet Mohammad and is remembered in Islamic and Jewish historical traditions for his courageous and selfless actions during the Battle of Uhud in 625 CE.

On the day of the battle, the city of Medina faced an imminent threat from the Quraysh tribe of Mecca. As fate would have it, the day fell on the Sabbath—a holy day for Jews, on which work and combat are generally forbidden. Despite this religious restriction, Rabbi Mukhayriq gathered his people and urged them to fight alongside the Muslims to defend their shared homeland. When his fellow tribesmen hesitated due to Sabbath laws, he rebuked them and reportedly said, “You have no Sabbath”, stressing that the defense Medina was a higher moral responsibility.

Rabbi Mukhayriq went to the battlefield and fought alongside the Muslim army. He died in the battle, becoming one of the few Jewish martyrs in the defense of Medina. He was buried in the ‘Shoda-e-Uhud’ graveyard alongside Prophet’s uncle Hamza Bin Abdul-Mutallib.

Before leaving, he had instructed that all his wealth—including several orchards—be handed over to Prophet Mohammad. The Prophet accepted this and used the wealth to establish one of Islam’s first waqf (charitable endowments), which was used to serve the poor and support the growing Muslim community.

Prophet Mohammad honored him by saying, “He was the best of the Jews”, recognizing his noble spirit and contribution to the broader cause.

A Lesson in Interfaith Unity

What makes Rabbi Mukhayriq’s story timeless is not just his bravery, but the message it carries about interfaith cooperation. At a time when divisions between communities often lead to conflict, Mukhayriq’s sacrifice reminds us that people of different faiths can—and have—worked together for the common good—to defend the national cause.

The Battle of Uhud wasn’t just a military confrontation—it was a moment that tested the moral fabric of Medina’s diverse society. The actions of Rabbi Mukhayriq exemplify that protecting a shared homeland and values sometimes means putting community above personal interests—even above religious norms.

It also highlights how early Muslims and Jews, despite theological differences, stood together when it mattered most.

Relevance in Modern India

MP Nishikant Dubey’s invocation of Mukhayriq during the Waqf Amendment Bill debate wasn’t accidental. The bill proposes to broaden waqf board membership to include non-Muslim experts and aims to improve transparency and governance in the management of waqf properties—assets donated for religious or charitable purposes under Islamic law.

Supporters of the bill argue that involving non-Muslims, especially legal and financial professionals, can improve efficiency and reduce corruption. Critics, however, view it as state interference in religious affairs. India’s Home Minister Amit Shah stated that, non-Muslims shall not interfere into religious affairs come what may.

Dubey’s reference to Mukhayriq was used to draw a powerful parallel—that the spirit of community service and unity across faith lines is not alien to Islamic tradition. He framed the reforms not as interference, but as an invitation to all Indians, regardless of religion, to participate in nation-building and the transparent management of shared resources.

A Legacy Worth Remembering

Rabbi Mukhayriq’s legacy is more than a footnote in Islamic history—it is a shining example of moral courage, selflessness, and the power of interfaith unity. In times where communal tensions are often stoked for political gain, his story serves as a reminder that the higher cause of justice, harmony, and national interest can—and should—transcend religious boundaries.

Minister of Minority Affairs, Kiren Rijiju introduced the bill rooted with history, practicality, and the realities faced by Pasmanda community.

On April 2, 2025, the Lok Sabha bore witness to a remarkable display of democratic resilience and legislative fortitude as the Government of India successfully passed the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, after a marathon 12-hour debate. This historic achievement is not merely a legislative victory but a testament to the strength of India’s democratic institutions, the meticulous process undertaken by the government, and the unwavering unity of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

The journey of the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, has been one of deliberation and inclusivity. Recognizing the complexity and sensitivity of the issue, the government wisely referred the bill to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) for thorough scrutiny. The JPC, chaired by Shri Jagdambika Pal and comprising members from across the political spectrum, conducted extensive consultations, gathering inputs from stakeholders, experts, and civil society. Even the All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaaz had the opportunity to present its suggestions and objections.

This process ensured that the legislation was not rushed but refined through a rigorous examination, addressing concerns while strengthening its framework. The successful passage of the bill in the Lok Sabha—by a decisive margin of 288 votes in favor to 232 against—reflects the confidence that the NDA coalition reposed in the government’s vision and the robustness of the JPC’s efforts. The debate was marked by intense exchanges, with the government defending the bill as a measure to improve Waqf property management, while the opposition criticized it as unconstitutional and anti-minority.

Minister of Minority Affairs, Kiren Rijiju introduced the bill rooted with history, practicality, and the realities faced by Pasmanda community. Waqf properties were originally meant for the welfare of the underprivileged, yet they have rarely served their intended purpose. Instead, over the years, they have become a playground for politicians, Waqf Board officials, and Mutawallis (caretakers), who have manipulated these assets for personal gains. The rampant corruption and mismanagement of Waqf properties have led the government to intervene and introduce amendments.

While many Muslim leaders and organizations are vehemently opposing the bill, All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaaz considered it essential to acknowledge the dire need for reforms. Waqf properties hold vast potential to uplift marginalized Muslim communities, particularly the Pasmanda Muslims, who form the majority but have historicaly been neglected. Unfortunately, these properties have been plagued by corruption, illegal encroachments, and poor administration. AIPMM actively participated in the JPC meetings on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, offering a series of constructive suggestions to enhance the legislation. The Ministry of Minority Affairs, recognizing the merit of AIPMM’s inputs, accepted several key recommendations, reflecting a commitment to inclusivity and efficiency in Waqf management.

These include the introduction of a “Waqf by User” provision to safeguard existing Waqf properties, the establishment of an appellate system within Waqf Tribunals to ensure fair dispute resolution, and measures for the efficient management and maintenance of Waqf records to promote transparency. Additionally, the ministry embraced AIPMM’s call for regular audits of revenue from rent, lease, and sub-lease to curb financial mismanagement, alongside the inclusion of Pasmanda Muslims and women in the management of Waqf Boards, ensuring diverse representation and addressing long-standing demands for equity within the community. This collaboration between AIPMM and the government underscores a progressive step toward reforming Waqf administration in India.

The Opposition’s Rhetoric and Fear-Mongering

One of the biggest issues with the current discourse surrounding the bill is the irresponsible approach of the opposition and certain Muslim organizations. Instead of constructively engaging with the government to suggest practical improvements, they are using the bill as a tool to incite fear and insecurity among common Muslims.

The rhetoric surrounding the bill is focused more on accusing the government of anti-Muslim motives rather than addressing the real issues plaguing Waqf institutions. If these organizations had properly managed the Waqf system over the years, there would have been no need for government intervention in the first place.

By spreading propaganda and half-truths, these groups are attempting to politically mobilize Muslims rather than ensuring genuine reforms. Pasmanda Muslims, who have historically been denied the benefits of Waqf, must not fall prey to these misleading narratives. Instead, we must demand concrete improvements that will truly help our community.

The blind opposition by certain Muslim leaders will only serve political interests rather than benefiting the community. It is time for Pasmanda Muslims to take charge of the narrative and demand reforms that genuinely serve the underprivileged.

Pasmanda Muslims, who have been historically sidelined, must not allow themselves to be used as pawns in political battles. Instead, we should advocate for meaningful reforms, ensuring that Waqf properties are managed efficiently, transparently, and justly. This is a crucial opportunity to hold the system accountable and demand a fair share of Waqf benefits for the most disadvantaged members of our community.

The opposition and certain Muslim organizations must also reflect on their own failures in managing Waqf properties before blaming the government. Instead of spreading fear and misinformation, they should work towards ensuring better governance and accountability within the Waqf system.

During the marathon debate on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, in the Lok Sabha on April 2, 2025, Indian Union Home Minister Amit Shah delivered a masterful performance that left the opposition reeling. Armed with a barrage of facts, statistics, and a clear articulation of the bill’s intent, Shah dismantled the opposition’s arguments, rendering them speechless. He meticulously schooled them on the purpose and proper utilization of Waqf properties, emphasizing the need for transparency and accountability—principles the bill seeks to enshrine. Shah’s commanding presence turned the tide of the debate, exposing the opposition’s rhetoric as hollow in the face of evidence.

BJP MP Ravi Shankar Prasad reinforced the government’s stance, asserting that including women and Pasmanda Muslims in the management of Waqf Boards is not just a reform but a constitutional right, amplifying the bill’s progressive ethos. The opposition, despite its fervor, found itself silenced, unable to counter the government’s robust case. AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi attempted to score theoretical points, raising some valid concerns, but his credibility was undermined by allegations that he and his party have encroached upon 80% of Waqf properties in Hyderabad and Telangana.

As the Urdu proverb goes, “Chor ki daadhi mein tinka”—the thief’s beard betrays a straw—Owaisi’s critique rang hollow, overshadowed by his own questionable record. The debate, thus, emerged as a triumph for the government’s clarity and resolve.

However, the true success of these amendments hinges on their effective implementation, which we anticipate will yield positive outcomes for all stakeholders. For Pasmanda Muslims, in particular, embracing a balanced approach—supporting these reforms while actively participating in their execution—will be crucial to ensuring their upliftment. This historic moment offers hope for a more equitable future, provided the spirit of the law translates into tangible progress on the ground.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

According to officials, the searches were related to possible violations of the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA). The agency targeted NGOs and firms funded by OSF and SEDF, as well as Aspada Investments Private Limited, a holding company of SEDF. Authorities stated that Aspada acts as an investment advisor and fund manager for SEDF in India and is a wholly owned subsidiary of a Mauritius-based entity.

Officials revealed that the agency traced a money trail of INR25 crore from Soros-linked companies to several Indian NGOs. Additionally, foreign direct investment (FDI) amounting to INR300 crore, funneled through OSF’s subsidiaries, is under scrutiny. It is believed that SEDF has funded over a dozen companies in India with investments totaling INR300 crore.

ED’s Investigation into Foreign Funding

A senior officer, speaking anonymously, confirmed that ED recently launched a FEMA probe against Soros and his companies. “Our teams carried out raids at eight locations in Bengaluru to investigate contraventions in FDI rules by SEDF and OSF and the subsequent utilization of those funds,” the officer said.

Preliminary investigations indicate that OSF was placed under the Ministry of Home Affairs’ (MHA) prior reference category in 2016, restricting it from making unregulated donations to Indian NGOs. However, officials suspect OSF circumvented these restrictions by establishing subsidiaries in India and routing funds under the guise of FDI and consultancy fees.

A second official noted that ED is examining the end-use of other FDI funds brought in by SEDF and OSF in India.

SEDF’s Investment History in India

According to VCCEdge, the data platform owned by HT Media, SEDF invested INR50 crore in its impact-focused subsidiary, Aspada Investments, in 2013. Aspada Fund 1, its first fund, later raised around INR271 crore, which it used to invest in over a dozen companies, including quick commerce platform Dunzo Digital, WayCool Foods and Products, and NeoGrowth Credit.

SEDF later sold a controlling stake in Aspada to LGT, a private banking and asset management group owned by the Princely House of Liechtenstein. In 2021, this entity was renamed Lightrock, which continues to invest in impact-driven businesses in India.

OSF’s Presence and Restrictions in India

OSF, one of the world’s largest private funders of human rights advocacy, impact investment, and justice-related initiatives, began operations in India in 1999. However, officials confirm that OSF does not have a formal office in the country.

The organization’s website acknowledges that its funding activities in India have been constrained since mid-2016 due to government restrictions.

Political Controversy Surrounding George Soros

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led central government has previously linked Soros to Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi. In December 2024, BJP MP Nishikant Dubey accused the Congress of collaborating with the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), a global investigative journalism initiative allegedly backed by Soros’ OSF, to undermine India’s Parliament and government. BJP MP Sambit Patra also alleged that Rahul Gandhi was part of a “triangle” with Soros and OCCRP aimed at destabilizing India.

Neither OSF nor SEDF has responded to queries regarding the ED’s latest actions.

USAID has been accused of funding organizations and individuals that are vocal critics of Modi’s administration, furthering an agenda that weakens India’s independent policy-making.

In a bombshell revelation, reports have surfaced suggesting that USAID, the United States Agency for International Development, has been more than just a development agency in India—it has allegedly been working to undermine Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government. Operating under the shadowy influence of the Deep State, USAID is accused of pushing a left-leaning agenda, funding Modi’s critics, and subtly shaping public sentiment to serve American geopolitical interests.

USAID’s Heavy-Handed Political Interference

BJP politician Savio Rodrigues has blown the whistle on what he describes as blatant political interference. Speaking to Sputnik India, Rodrigues revealed how USAID’s initiatives, supposedly aimed at increasing voter participation, were actually an attempt to influence Indian elections.

“DOGE’s findings expose USAID’s attempt to influence Indian voters by masquerading as an initiative to boost voter turnout,” Rodrigues stated. The implication is alarming—foreign agencies meddling in India’s democratic process under the convenient guise of development assistance.

Deep State’s Left-Wing Agenda in India

The term “Deep State” refers to an intricate network of bureaucrats, intelligence officers, and corporate lobbyists who manipulate global events to align with their ideological and economic objectives. India, under Modi’s leadership, has proven to be a thorn in their plans.

With a government that champions nationalism and self-reliance, India is seen as a disruption to the traditional Western grip on global politics. USAID, allegedly influenced by these hidden power structures, has been accused of funding organizations and individuals that are vocal critics of Modi’s administration, furthering an agenda that weakens India’s independent policy-making.

For decades, the U.S. has used foreign aid agencies to exert influence over developing nations, and India is no exception. What appears to be assistance often comes with strings attached—ensuring that opposition voices are emboldened and narratives against nationalist leaders like Modi gain traction in both domestic and international forums.

India: The Deep State’s Political and Economic Laboratory

With its vast population and growing economic influence, India has been turned into a testing ground for external manipulation. Intelligence experts argue that USAID and affiliated entities have used research, social media influence, and targeted funding to sway public opinion in ways that benefit U.S. corporate and political interests.

Many believe that social media discourse, think-tank reports, and activism have been subtly guided by USAID-linked organizations. While these efforts are often disguised as democracy-building or advocacy for human rights, they serve a larger goal—keeping India aligned with Western influence and corporate profiteering.

U.S. Corporations: The Biggest Beneficiaries

John Perkins, bestselling author of Confessions of an Economic Hitman, has extensively exposed how institutions like USAID ultimately work in favor of American businesses. Speaking to Sputnik India, Perkins explained how foreign aid, rather than being an altruistic endeavor, primarily serves U.S. corporate giants.

“Foreign aid funds and loans intended for developing nations, channeled through U.S. agencies, are ultimately designed to benefit American corporations,” Perkins noted.

By ensuring that aid money is spent on projects where American contractors and multinational firms dominate, these agencies create long-term economic dependence. India, with its booming economy, has been a prime target for such predatory tactics, further strengthening foreign control over its financial landscape.

Economic Hitmen Are in India

John Perkins, who once worked as an “economic hitman,” has detailed the methods used to keep developing nations indebted and subservient to Western economic policies.

“I can’t imagine economic hitmen, like I once was, not operating in countries like India and Bangladesh,” Perkins admitted, underscoring the likelihood that India remains a battleground for covert financial coercion.

The strategy is clear—trap countries in debt through high-interest loans, tie infrastructure projects to American firms, and use policy advisory roles to ensure that economic decisions favor U.S. interests. These tactics have long been used in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and India appears to be no exception.

India’s Counteroffensive and the Path Forward

Under Modi’s leadership, India has aggressively pushed back against foreign interference. The government has tightened regulations on foreign-funded NGOs, scrutinized international grants, and restricted organizations that appear to serve external interests over India’s own development goals.

While these steps have helped in reclaiming India’s sovereignty, revelations about USAID’s alleged activities prove that the challenge is far from over. The country must remain vigilant against external forces that attempt to shape its political narrative and economic policies to their advantage.

The accusations against USAID paint a troubling picture of how international aid organizations can be weaponized to serve hidden agendas. What is often presented as benevolence or humanitarian work is, in reality, a sophisticated strategy of influence and control.

As India rises as a global power, it must fortify itself against such covert interventions. The battle is not just about development aid—it’s about safeguarding national sovereignty, ensuring fair democratic processes, and keeping the country’s economic destiny firmly in Indian hands.

BJP members and supporters burst firecrackers, distributed sweets and danced in the streets in the three states.

India’s ruling nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Sunday won regional votes in three out of four major states, in a big boost for Prime Minister Narendra Modi ahead of a national election due by May.

The central states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, and the southern state of Telangana, voted last month in the last set of provincial elections before the national poll, in which Modi will seek a third term.

BJP comfortably won Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh from the main opposition Congress and retained Madhya Pradesh, vote-counting data from the independent election panel showed.

BJP’s performance was better than widely expected as opinion and exit polls had suggested a close contest between Modi’s party and Congress.

Modi remains widely popular after a decade in power and surveys suggest he will win again next year. However, a 28-party opposition alliance led by the Congress has come together to jointly fight the BJP, posing a renewed challenge.

But the alliance did not feature in the state polls due to internal rivalries and it was a direct contest between BJP and Congress.

Although Congress won Telangana, its second victory in the south this year, Sunday’s outcome is seen as a setback. The four states are home to more than 160 million voters and account for 82 seats in the 543-member parliament.

“We always said we will win the heartland states,” BJP President Jagat Prakash Nadda told Reuters. “The results are the outcome of our finest political strategy and work on the ground.”

BJP members and supporters burst firecrackers, distributed sweets and danced in the streets in the three states.

Modi told jubilant BJP members at the party headquarters the results suggested a third term next year was guaranteed.

“The results … indicate that the people of India are firmly with politics of good governance and development, which the BJP stands for,” Modi posted on X.

Congress Disappointed

BJP had suffered a setback itself when it lost the big southern state of Karnataka to Congress this year, as Gandhi worked hard to revive the party since its drubbing in the 2019 election and went on a 135-day march across the country covering more than 4,000 km (2,500 miles).

He also helped build the opposition alliance, called the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance or INDIA, after the Karnataka victory and his temporary disqualification from parliament after being convicted in a defamation case.

Gandhi posted on X “the battle of ideology will continue”.

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge said the party should not get “disheartened by this defeat” and should start preparing for the general elections with INDIA parties with “double enthusiasm”.

Modi and leaders of Congress, led by Gandhi, criss-crossed the states, addressing campaign rallies and promising cash payouts, farm loan waivers, subsidies and insurance cover, among other incentives, to woo voters.

Politicians and analysts say state elections do not always influence the outcome of the general elections or accurately indicate national voter mood.

Results of the last round of state elections before national elections have been misleading in the past.

Sunday’s outcome is, however, expected to boost market sentiment.

“Markets may have had a whiff of the likely results given the gains last week but the margin of victory will be a surprise,” said Gurmeet Chadha, managing partner at asset management firm Complete Circle.

Markets should gain on Monday on the results, he said, adding it could be a “big move”.

The small northeastern state of Mizoram also voted last month and votes there are due to be counted on Monday.

The heartland states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, and the southern state of Telangana, voted last month in the last set of provincial elections before the national vote due by May, when Modi seeks a third term.

BJP was leading in all three heartland states, trends from the counting of votes showed on TV channels.

“We always said we will win the heartland states,” BJP president Jagat Prakash Nadda told Reuters. “The results are the outcome of our finest political strategy and work on the ground.”

Modi remains widely popular after a decade in power and surveys suggest he will win again next year. However, a 28-party opposition alliance led by the Congress party has come together to jointly fight BJP, posing a new challenge.

BJP also suffered a setback when it lost the big southern state of Karnataka to Congress, earlier this year.

The opposition alliance, called the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance or INDIA, did not feature in the state polls and it was a direct contest between BJP and Congress.

The four states are home to more than 160 million voters and account for 82 seats in the 543-member parliament.

Modi and leaders of Congress, led by Rahul Gandhi, criss-crossed the states, addressing campaign rallies and promising cash payouts, farm loan waivers, subsidies and insurance cover, among other incentives, to woo voters.

Politicians and analysts say state elections do not always influence the outcome of the general elections or accurately indicate national voter mood.

Results of the last round of state elections before national elections have been misleading in the past.

The small northeastern state of Mizoram also voted last month and votes there are due to be counted on Monday.

Surpassing the Communist Party of China (CCP), which held the top position in previous rankings, the BJP’s membership of 180 million members is a testament to its extraordinary appeal and reach.

In a historic moment, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of India has secured the top spot in the ranking of the world’s largest political parties, outdoing China’s Communist Party, with an astounding membership of 180 million, according to the South Asia Index.

This achievement solidifies the BJP’s status as a global political powerhouse and underscores its immense popularity and influence both within India and on the international stage.

The South Asia Index, a renowned research organization, has unveiled its comprehensive ranking of the largest political parties worldwide, taking into account parameters such as membership strength, electoral performance, and overall impact.

Surpassing the Communist Party of China (CCP), which held the top position in previous rankings, the BJP’s membership of 180 million members is a testament to its extraordinary appeal and reach. The party’s ideology, rooted in nationalism, social conservatism, and economic reforms, has struck a chord with diverse sections of Indian society, leading to its unprecedented growth and widespread support.

The ranking also features other prominent political parties from India and around the world. The Indian National Congress (INC) secures the third position with 50 million members, while the Democratic Party and the Republican Party of the United States claim the fourth and fifth spots, with 47 million and 36 million members respectively. Pakistan’s PTI party ranks sixth with 25 million members, followed by India’s AIADMK and DMK parties, both with 20 million members each. Turkey’s AK party secures the ninth position with 12.3 million members, and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) of India rounds off the list with 11.5 million members.

India’s dominance in the top 10 ranking, with four political parties making the list, underscores the country’s vibrant democratic landscape and the active participation of its citizens in the political process. The BJP’s ascent to the number one position showcases the growing global significance of India and its ability to shape political discourse and policy agendas.

As the BJP consolidates its position as the world’s largest political party, it faces the responsibility of addressing the diverse needs and aspirations of its massive membership base. Moreover, the party has to make sure to contain the fringe elements who misrepresent its platform that potentially causes global uproar, and gives fuel to the anti-nation groups to justify their existence, and that eventually causes diplomatic costs. The party’s ability to effectively harness the potential of its members and translate their aspirations into meaningful policies will determine its future success and impact.