The growing strategic importance of remote forested areas has prompted governments in the region to designate large swaths of land as military zones, reflecting concerns that insurgent groups are using dense vegetation to plan attacks, move personnel and sustain logistical networks beyond the reach of state forces.

In Mali, authorities this month declared the 80,000-hectare Faya forest and 38 other forests and parks off-limits to civilians, describing them as potential sanctuaries for armed groups. The measure followed a series of major attacks carried out by Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), Al-Qaeda’s affiliate in the Sahel, and allied Tuareg separatist fighters.

The forests covered by the decree form a broad corridor stretching across southern Mali from the borders with Senegal and Mauritania to Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire.

Analysts say such areas provide militants with significant operational advantages. Sparse state presence, limited infrastructure and the absence of permanent settlements make surveillance and enforcement difficult, allowing insurgent groups to establish enduring footholds.

“These are large natural areas that are sometimes not very well controlled by the state,” said Franklin Nossiter, a Sahel analyst at the International Crisis Group. He said the lack of military installations and administrative infrastructure in many forest zones has made them attractive locations for militant activity.

Similar security measures have been implemented in neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger, where authorities have increasingly restricted civilian access to forested regions associated with militant operations.

In Niger’s Torodi region, a heavily wooded area near the Burkina Faso border, officials have designated sections of territory as restricted military zones due to persistent attacks by armed groups.

Local industry representatives say militants regard logging and transport activities as threats to their shelter networks. A timber sector official told AFP that dozens of trucks had been destroyed and more than 20 transport workers killed in attacks linked to insurgent groups operating in the area.

Security researchers argue that militant organizations now view forests as more than defensive hideouts. Samir Bhattacharya of the Observer Research Foundation said sustained military pressure in urban centers and improved aerial surveillance have encouraged insurgents to establish permanent bases in remote woodland areas.

The terrain also offers economic opportunities. Militants have increasingly exploited informal economies linked to mining, livestock grazing, smuggling routes and poaching to finance their operations and strengthen local influence.

According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), the continued use of forests and nature reserves by militant groups demonstrates a deliberate long-term strategy rather than temporary adaptation.

JNIM initially expanded through the W-Arly-Pendjari complex of parks and reserves spanning parts of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger. The region’s proximity to several international borders has enabled insurgents to move across jurisdictions while avoiding concentrated military pressure.

Meanwhile, the Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) has developed networks in forested and hilly areas along the Niger-Nigeria frontier, conflict monitors say.

Military efforts to dislodge militants have faced significant challenges. Analysts note that dense vegetation reduces the effectiveness of drone surveillance and air strikes, while difficult terrain limits the mobility of armored vehicles and conventional ground forces.

Experts also caution that aggressive counterinsurgency operations in forest areas could carry risks if civilians are harmed or displaced. Such outcomes, they argue, could fuel local grievances and potentially aid recruitment efforts by militant organizations.

The growing contest for control of the Sahel’s forests underscores the evolving nature of the region’s insurgencies, where geography, local economies and weak state presence have become increasingly central to the conflict.

Residents in central Mali told Reuters that fighters from Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) now collect taxes, settle local disputes and distribute aid in some communities, while using fewer threats than in previous years.

Five years ago, militants in some villages threatened people who challenged their interpretation of Islam, according to residents. More recently, they have focused on religious messaging and local administration, they said.

JNIM, formed in 2017 after several militant groups merged and pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda, has spent years expanding across the Sahel region. The group has imposed restrictions including bans on music, smoking and some social activities while carrying out attacks against state forces.

The group gained strength after Mali’s military rulers took power in 2020 and removed French and United Nations forces from the country, while seeking support from Russian military contractors. JNIM later carried out major attacks, including strikes in Bamako and assaults on military positions.

Despite its military operations, residents and analysts said JNIM has increasingly sought to present itself as a governing authority in areas where it holds influence.

“The stronger they have become, the less brutal they have to be,” said Sahel expert Corinne Dufka, adding that residents’ acceptance of JNIM rule was shaped by a combination of coercion, fear and adaptation.

Tuareg-led separatist leader Bilal Ag Cherif, whose movement has cooperated with JNIM in parts of northern Mali, said he had observed changes within the group, including greater openness to local interpretations of Islam and discussions on political issues.

The separatists, now known as the Azawad Liberation Front, have urged JNIM fighters to distance themselves from Al-Qaeda and focus more on local concerns, Cherif said.

JNIM has said it aims to remove Russian forces from Mali and challenge the military leaders who seized power after coups in 2020 and 2021. The group has also increased messaging aimed at gaining wider support among Malians.

Mali’s government has rejected talks with armed groups, with Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop saying the authorities would not negotiate with groups responsible for violence in the country.

JNIM remains accused of severe abuses, including killings and attacks on civilians. In January, the group was blamed for an attack on a fuel convoy that killed 12 people, while attacks in May killed about 50 people in central Mali.

Some residents living under JNIM control said the group’s rule was now more predictable than earlier periods of conflict, though freedoms remained restricted.

“Since JNIM has controlled the area, we are safe. Even though their rule is difficult to respect, we have gotten used to it,” said Aminata, a resident of the Mopti region.

Analysts say JNIM’s approach reflects a broader shift among militant groups in the Sahel, where insurgents increasingly seek local legitimacy while continuing armed campaigns against governments.

Mali’s authorities and Russian partners have denied accusations of targeting civilians, saying their operations focus on militants.

Goita’s televised address came after West Africa’s Al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and a Tuareg-led separatist alliance launched attacks on Mali’s main army base and the area near Bamako’s airport on Saturday, while also forcing Russian-backed government forces out of the strategic northern town of Kidal.

The offensive marked one of the most significant coordinated assaults against Mali’s military government in recent years, raising concerns over a broader territorial shift in the country’s vast northern desert and the growing operational reach of armed groups active across the Sahel.Mali’s Defense Minister Sadio Camara was killed in the attacks, dealing a major blow to the ruling junta.

Goita had not been seen publicly until Tuesday afternoon, when his office released photographs of him meeting Russian Ambassador Igor Gromyko at the presidential palace in Bamako.

According to a statement from Goita’s office, the two discussed “the current situation and the strong partnership between Bamako and Moscow,” while Gromyko reaffirmed Russia’s commitment to supporting Mali in its fight against what the government described as international terrorism.

Goita also visited a hospital treating those wounded in the attacks and offered condolences to Camara’s family before addressing the nation on state television.“The situation is under control,” Goita said, adding that military operations would continue until the “complete neutralization of the groups involved.”

The scale of Saturday’s attacks demonstrated an unusual level of coordination between insurgent factions with differing political and ideological objectives, highlighting the mounting pressure on Mali’s armed forces despite years of military cooperation with Russian security partners.

In a video message circulated on Tuesday, JNIM spokesperson Bina Diarra described the attacks as retaliation for drone strikes and other operations carried out by Malian forces and threatened to impose a siege on Bamako.“As of today, Bamako is closed off from all sides,” he said.JNIM had previously imposed a fuel blockade on the capital last year, though restrictions had eased before the latest attacks.

Russia’s Defense Ministry said on Tuesday that insurgents were regrouping after Russian forces helped repel what it described as a coup attempt, preventing militants from capturing key state facilities including the presidential palace.“The enemy has not abandoned its aggressive intentions and is currently regrouping,” the ministry said, adding that Russian forces were conducting reconnaissance operations to destroy insurgent camps and were prepared to repel further attacks.

Moscow’s response is being closely watched as Russia seeks to expand its security role across Africa while its military remains heavily engaged in Ukraine.Mali deepened military ties with Russia after expelling French troops and United Nations peacekeepers following coups in 2020 and 2021.

In the northeast, fighters linked to Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) entered the town of Menaka near the Niger border, according to five sources cited by Reuters, including residents, security analysts and an official from the Azawad Liberation Front.

The sources said ISSP fighters established checkpoints in parts of the town while Malian troops withdrew to a nearby military camp. No direct clashes were reported, and residents said civilians continued moving through the city despite the presence of militants.

ISSP did not participate in Saturday’s coordinated attacks and has long been a rival of JNIM. Since clashes between the two groups began in 2019, they have fought hundreds of battles that have killed more than 2,100 people, according to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data project.

Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop said Bamako considers Morocco’s proposal granting autonomy to Western Sahara under Moroccan sovereignty as “the only serious and credible basis” for resolving the conflict.

He made the remarks at a joint press conference with Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita.Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony largely controlled by Morocco, remains Africa’s only territory with an unresolved post-colonial status.

The region is also claimed by the Polisario Front, which seeks full independence and advocates for a United Nations-supervised referendum on self-determination for the Sahrawi people.Mali’s decision comes amid worsening diplomatic ties with Algeria, a key backer of the Polisario Front.

The move is likely to deepen regional tensions, as Algeria and Morocco have long been at odds over the future of the territory.Rabat has promoted its autonomy initiative as a pragmatic solution, while the Polisario Front insists on implementing a 1991 agreement that provides for a referendum on independence under UN oversight.

The geopolitical context has shifted in recent months. In October 2025, the United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution supporting Morocco’s autonomy plan, signaling growing international backing for Rabat’s position.

The disputed territory is rich in natural resources, including phosphates, and its surrounding waters are considered among the most productive fishing zones in the region, adding economic significance to the political conflict.