If anything, the present nexus between the military establishment and the toothless civilian leadership has shown that it is difficult to have a fair space for criticism and dissent in Pakistan.

In yet another flummoxing display, Pakistan has charged the opposition leader in the National Assembly with treason. Mehmood Khan Achakzai, Chairman of the Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP), has been booked and charged with treason for his remarks at a public meeting in Balochistan. Achakzai is the president of Tehreek Tahaffuz Ayeen-i-Pakistan (TTAP), a multi-party opposition alliance formed to protect the Constitution of Pakistan, which, according to the opposition, is under attack from the military establishment, with the support of the government.

Although a long practice in the country, using the draconian law to silence critics of the military establishment/government has picked up in recent years. One reason for that is the nature of the present ruling administration.

It is interesting to see that the scope of these laws has expanded; now the political opponents of the existing “hybrid model” of government in Pakistan, as Defence Minister Khawaja Asif calls it, have borne the brunt of the sedition laws for their criticism of the government, or the hybrid regime, to put it in its truest description. The civilian leadership is forced to mitigate the adverse effects of the model simply because it cannot be in government or run functions if it were to break ties with the military establishment. That being the case, the civilian part of the model is subservient to the military establishment. How can that be called even a “hybrid model”?   

The civilian leaders act as intermediaries, while the military establishment pulls the strings on every decision. No wonder that in the last couple of years, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif, and others have been currying favour with the country’s security forces, even on the economy. Prime Minister Sharif, known for his unhinged use of praise to extract favours from powerful personnel, went beyond even his own previous injudicious acts and said on an occasion recently that “History will always remember the wise and courageous leadership of the field marshal (Asim Munir) in golden words.”

Such flattering words from the Prime Minister tell a lot about the nature of the current model of governance in Pakistan: the civilian leaders will act on behalf of or for the military generals, and critics will bear the brunt.   

Achakzai’s case is not the only one. On a similar pattern, in yet another high-profile case, former Prime Minister Imran Khan was charged with treason for a rather bizarre accusation. Several activists and political opponents have been sent to jail after being charged with the draconian law.

All these cases are nothing but a mockery of such a serious penal law. While Imran Khan was accused of wrongfully dissolving parliament in 2022, Achakzai’s case is more interesting: he is charged with treason because he questioned the law and order situation in Balochistan and said that the government had failed to provide security to the people. There is no shortage of reports, even statements from the military establishment and the government on the situation in Balochistan that would mean the same, but it coming from the opposition leader is chargeable with the harshest possible penal code in the country, underscoring the strict policy of the current administration towards its opponents.   

More importantly, the case against the Opposition Leader in the National Assembly exposes the nature of politics in Pakistan. Essentially, the crux of the issue is that the military establishment is domineering in the present ruling political system, and any criticism of an issue points towards the failures of the military establishment. And given the stakes of Field Marshal Asim Munir in the system, the Army is unlikely to tolerate that. Therefore, conformity is sought in every case, at every possible cost.

It also shows that Pakistan’s perennial political crisis has taken a life of its own. There is no sign of it getting resolved. The Pakistani State has taken a clarion call: everyone must conform to the current administration, i.e., the military establishment, the deep state and its coterie in the civilian power circles.    

Historically, the military has dominated the country’s politics. Its domestic and foreign policies have been shaped by the generals. Even domestically, it is well documented that the military has “groomed” and “appointed” leaders in the country.

In politics, it is said that nation and state function as synonyms; in Pakistan, the military establishment and the state function as synonyms. So, any criticism against the military means the state is criticised. Such criticism therefore begets a strong punitive and legal response, including the charges of sedition. 

The story does not end here. Given that the military establishment is deeply involved in the government, any criticism, therefore, against the government is interpreted as a criticism against the military, and thus against the state. And there is a long list of such cases in Pakistan. Some of these include the cases of Baloch and Pashtun activists. In such cases, the people who have questioned the government policies towards Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KP) have been accused of treason and put behind bars.  

Almost the entire leadership of Baloch Yekjehti Committee (BYC), a non-violent Baloch organisation mainly comprised of the Baloch whose relatives have been victims of enforced disappearances, is in jail. So is the former member of the National Assembly and Pashtun activist, Ali Wazir. Wazir has been behind bars for a long time on treason charges for questioning the policy of the military operations and their impact on the common Pashtun in KP. Ali Wazir has spent a good share of his life in jail. He was arrested a few hours after he was released on bail on 26 March. The cases against Wazir are various sedition cases.  

Likewise, Mahrang Baloch, a Baloch and doctor by profession, along with others, is facing multiple cases of sedition. Even if she gets some relief or bail in one case, other cases are invoked to keep her behind bars. The same method is used against the people who support or defend activists in the courts of the country. Imaan Mazari and Hadi Chattha, advocates who are fighting cases of several victims of state violence, have been booked, charged and sentenced to 17 years of imprisonment for social media posts that were critical of the country’s security institutions.  

If anything, the present nexus between the military establishment and the toothless civilian leadership has shown that it is difficult to have a fair space for criticism and dissent in Pakistan. Now, since the military establishment has increasingly taken control of the country into its hands, any civilian leadership or government is symbolic. Naturally, any criticism directed at the government will be seen as criticism of the military establishment. Therefore, in all likelihood, draconian laws like treason and others will be employed more to frighten and curb dissenting voices in Pakistan. 

Education is never neutral, but the persistent distortions in Pakistan’s textbooks have long-term consequences.

Education is often regarded as the foundation of a nation’s future. But in Pakistan, state-approved textbooks continue to reveal a troubling pattern: the blending of religion, nationalism, and selective history into a narrative that risks deepening social divides and shaping generations in ways that undermine pluralism and peace.

A new report by IMPACT-se, in partnership with the Ronald S. Roadburg Foundation, provides an in-depth review of 86 textbooks from Punjab, Sindh, and the Federal Directorate, exposing how the country’s curriculum falls short of international standards of tolerance and respect.

Religion as the Core of Identity

At the heart of the curriculum lies the portrayal of Pakistan as an Islamic republic created “exclusively as a free state for Muslims.” This framing, repeated across grades and subjects, sidelines the multi-religious and multi-ethnic reality of the country.

While textbooks claim that minorities live “happily according to their beliefs,” the lived reality of Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, and Ahmadis suggests otherwise. The curriculum’s heavy Islamization extends beyond religious studies into secular subjects such as Urdu, General Knowledge, and even Mathematics, where exercises are framed around Islamic expressions or prayer times.

The emphasis on Islam as the sole foundation of national identity feeds a narrow worldview. It conditions young Pakistanis to equate patriotism with religiosity, leaving little space for pluralism or the idea of citizenship beyond faith.

A Skewed Portrayal of Democracy and Dictatorship

Textbooks often praise democracy as a system but simultaneously undermine it by stressing inefficiency, high costs, and delays. A Civics textbook from Punjab goes so far as to call democracy a “burden on the people.”

In contrast, authoritarian rule, particularly military dictatorships, is described in neutral or even positive terms. Some texts astonishingly highlight Adolf Hitler as an example of a leader who restored “German pride,” while omitting the genocide and horrors of Nazism.

Such selective glorification is not accidental; it reflects Pakistan’s own history of repeated military coups. By downplaying the dangers of authoritarianism and exaggerating its “efficiency,” the curriculum normalizes undemocratic interventions in governance and erodes the value of democratic accountability.

India as the Perpetual Adversary

Few themes dominate Pakistani textbooks more consistently than the portrayal of India. From early grades, students are taught to see India not as a neighbor but as a historic and permanent adversary. The Kashmir conflict is presented solely as Indian aggression, while agreements, cooperation, or shared cultural histories are absent.

Hinduism occasionally receives respectful treatment—described in one Ethics textbook as a religion of “love, tolerance, and peace”—but this is overshadowed by the negative portrayal of Hindus during Partition and the depiction of India as an existential threat to Pakistan’s survival.

The textbooks also describe India’s revocation of Kashmir’s Article 370 as a “black day,” without presenting the legal or political complexities.

This constant framing entrenches a siege mentality, ensuring that reconciliation remains distant and hostility is passed from one generation to the next.

Jews, Israel, and the Erasure of History

The report highlights that Jews are systematically excluded from comparative religion lessons and are instead framed in narratives of betrayal during early Islamic history. Passages accuse Jewish tribes of Medina of “conspiracies,” while some texts repeat medieval tropes about Jews being responsible for the crucifixion of Jesus. There is no mention of the Holocaust, even in references to Hitler’s Germany.

Israel, meanwhile, is depicted solely through the lens of conflict. Textbooks describe Pakistan as supporting Muslims “on every front in their war against Israel,” reinforcing an uncompromising position.

Even the October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks are absent from accounts of the Gaza war, with blame placed entirely on Israel for humanitarian suffering.

This selective erasure and demonization foster intolerance and deny students an opportunity to understand Jewish history or the complexity of the Middle East.

Women Between Progress and Patriarchy

Gender representation remains deeply conflicted. On one hand, textbooks celebrate figures like Fatima Jinnah and Benazir Bhutto, and highlight women in professions such as engineering or aviation.

On the other, traditional gender roles are reinforced, with young girls portrayed as naturally suited for sewing and domestic tasks. Imagery consistently depicts women in hijabs, linking dignity and morality to modest dress codes.

This duality sends mixed messages to young learners: women can succeed, but only within culturally sanctioned boundaries.

Foreign Policy Through a Religious Lens

Pakistan’s foreign policy is consistently framed as an extension of Islamic solidarity. The country’s leadership in founding the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is described as part of a divine mission to unite Muslims. Its nuclear capability is celebrated not only as strategic defense but as a symbolic victory for the Islamic world.

The United Nations is portrayed as biased against Muslims, while Pakistan’s ties with China are praised uncritically. By framing diplomacy as a moral struggle between Muslims and “the West,” the textbooks leave little space for nuanced understanding of global politics.

Why This Matters

Education is never neutral, but the persistent distortions in Pakistan’s textbooks have long-term consequences. By glorifying authoritarianism, demonizing neighbors and minorities, and embedding religion into every subject, Pakistan risks raising generations conditioned to mistrust pluralism and embrace hostility.

For an international audience, the findings raise a crucial question: how can a nuclear-armed state grappling with extremism prepare its youth for peace when its schools normalize intolerance?

The report underscores a fundamental truth: curricula are not just about teaching facts—they shape values, worldviews, and future policies. Unless Pakistan reforms its educational system to embrace inclusivity, critical thinking, and historical honesty, its classrooms will remain breeding grounds for division rather than bridges to peace.