Speaking at a synagogue in Toronto, Carney said antisemitism had reached levels not seen in the post-war era. Government data showed that about 70 percent of religion-based hate crimes reported in 2024 targeted the Jewish community, despite Jews accounting for roughly 1 percent of Canada’s population.

The new Ministerial Advisory Council on Rights, Equality, and Inclusion will examine the causes of antisemitism, improve hate-crime data collection and assess the effectiveness of government programs aimed at prevention and community safety.

Carney also highlighted recent funding for security at religious institutions and legislation designed to strengthen protections for places of worship, schools and community centers.

Mamdani, New York City’s first Muslim mayor, said he had made clear during his election campaign that he would not participate in the event, citing his criticism of the Israeli government and his support for Palestinian rights.”I said on the campaign trail that I wouldn’t be attending the parade, and I’ve made my views on the Israeli government abundantly clear,” Mamdani told a news conference on Thursday.

The annual parade along Fifth Avenue has traditionally drawn mayors, governors and senior elected officials seeking to engage with New York’s large Jewish community and commemorate the establishment of Israel in 1948.Despite his decision to stay away from the event, Mamdani said city authorities had spent weeks preparing security arrangements to ensure the parade proceeded safely.

“While I will not be attending, our administration has been preparing for weeks to ensure the parade is safe for all those who take part,” he said.New York Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch said she would attend the parade, emphasizing that her decision was separate from that of the mayor.

“It is the mayor’s decision not to march, and it is my decision to march proudly,” Tisch told reporters.The decision has intensified criticism from some Jewish community leaders who argue that Mamdani’s positions on Israel have alienated Jewish New Yorkers.

Rabbi Marc Schneier, founding senior rabbi of The Hampton Synagogue and president of the Foundation for Ethnic Understanding, described the mayor’s absence as an affront to the city’s Jewish community.

The controversy follows the release of a mayoral video commemorating the Nakba, the Arabic term used to describe the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war that followed Israel’s creation.

The video featured the personal account of Inea Bushnaq, who described being displaced as a child and reflected on her connection to her homeland. The production marked what appeared to be the first formal recognition of the Nakba by a sitting New York City mayor.

Critics of the video argued that it omitted broader historical context, including the displacement of Jewish communities from several Muslim-majority countries and the impact of the Holocaust on support for the creation of a Jewish state.

The debate reflects broader shifts in American public opinion on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Support for Israel among some segments of the U.S. public has declined in recent years, a trend that has accelerated amid international scrutiny of Israel’s military operations in Gaza.Mamdani has maintained his support for Palestinian rights while stating that Israel has a right to exist.

He has also pledged to combat antisemitism and highlighted the work of New York City’s Office to Combat Antisemitism as part of his administration’s outreach to Jewish communities.

The mayor’s decision places him at odds with a political custom that has long been considered a fixture of New York public life, particularly in a city that is home to the largest Jewish population in the United States.

Appearing before a royal commission investigating Australia’s deadliest mass shooting in decades, Australian Security Intelligence Organisation chief Mike Burgess said the agency had been “stretched” by competing security challenges, including religious extremism, politically motivated violence and the growing radicalization of young people online.

The inquiry is examining the circumstances surrounding the December attack at Bondi Beach, where authorities allege that Sajid Akram and his son Naveed opened fire during a Hanukkah celebration attended by Jewish families, killing 15 people and triggering a nationwide debate over security failures and rising antisemitism.

Questioned about Australia’s counterterrorism capabilities before the attack, Burgess acknowledged mounting operational demands on the intelligence service but rejected suggestions that resource constraints had prevented investigations into significant threats.

“We were not leaving serious matters untreated or uninvestigated,” Burgess told the commission, adding that intelligence agencies could not anticipate every potential threat despite extensive monitoring efforts.
He said that, even in hindsight, he believed the agency’s resources were sufficient to address the security challenges it faced at the time.

Burgess is expected to provide further evidence in a closed hearing focused on classified intelligence matters and operational arrangements that cannot be discussed publicly.

The attack has prompted intense scrutiny of Australia’s security framework and sparked broader concerns about the safety of Jewish communities. It also led to calls for stronger measures against violent extremism and hate-motivated attacks.

In response to the shooting, the Australian government announced a package of firearm reforms, including a proposed nationwide gun buyback program. However, implementation has slowed amid difficulties securing support from state and territorial governments, whose cooperation is required for nationwide enforcement.

The inquiry is being led by former High Court judge Virginia Bell and is expected to examine intelligence assessments, law enforcement responses and broader policy issues linked to the attack.

Authorities said alleged gunman Sajid Akram, 50, was killed by police during the assault. His son, Naveed Akram, 24, remains in custody and has been charged with terrorism offenses and 15 counts of murder.

Royal commissions are among Australia’s most powerful public inquiries and can run for months or years while examining evidence and making recommendations for legislative and institutional reform.

The federal inquiry found that Australia’s Jewish community “was the evident target of the attack,” in which Sajid Akram and his son Naveed allegedly opened fire on crowds gathered at the Sydney beachfront suburb on Dec. 14, marking the country’s deadliest mass shooting in three decades.

An email sent by the Community Security Group to police before the event warned that “a terrorist attack against the NSW Jewish Community is likely and there is a high level of antisemitic vilification,” the report said.Police responded that they could not provide dedicated officers for the Hanukkah gathering but said mobile patrols would be sent to “check in and monitor the event,” according to the inquiry.

The commission said police should consider strengthening security arrangements for Jewish celebrations that have a strong public presence, particularly during periods of heightened threat.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said on Thursday the federal government would implement all recommendations made by the inquiry and pledged stronger protections for the community.“I can assure the Australian public that the government will do everything necessary to protect the community in the wake of the Bondi attack,” Albanese told reporters.

Asked whether police had failed to adequately monitor the Bondi event, Albanese said operational responsibility rested with the New South Wales state government.The royal commission, Australia’s highest form of public inquiry, is examining intelligence failures, police preparedness and the broader rise of antisemitism across the country following the attack.

It said Australia’s counter-terrorism capabilities “could be improved” and recommended an immediate review of leadership structures and information-sharing arrangements between agencies responsible for national security and counter-terrorism.

The shooting triggered widespread debate over antisemitism in Australia, public anger over the protection of Jewish communities and renewed political pressure to tighten gun control and hate crime laws.

Victims’ families wrote an open letter in December urging Albanese to establish a federal royal commission into what they described as the rapid rise of antisemitism in Australia.“We demand answers and solutions,” the letter said.

Sajid Akram, 50, was shot dead by police during the attack. His 24-year-old son Naveed, an Australian-born citizen, remains in custody and has been charged with terrorism offenses and 15 counts of murder.

The inquiry is being led by former High Court judge Virginia Bell and is expected to continue examining evidence through public hearings over the coming months.

Akram, 24, is charged with opening fire at a Jewish Hanukkah gathering at Bondi Beach in December, killing 15 people in what police have described as one of the country’s worst mass shootings and an attack inspired by Islamic State.

The accused had sought a 40-year suppression order to block publication of the names, images and identifying details of his mother, brother and sister, arguing that publicity could endanger their safety.

Several Australian media organizations opposed the application, saying it would unduly restrict reporting in a case of significant public interest.Judge Hugh Donnelly ruled against the request, stating that suppression orders should be granted only in exceptional circumstances and that transparency in judicial proceedings was fundamental.

He noted the case had generated “unprecedented public interest, anger, outrage and grief.”The court heard that personal details of Akram’s family had already circulated widely online, while his mother had spoken to local media shortly after the attack.

Donnelly added that any order limited to Australian jurisdiction would be ineffective given the reach of social media and international publications.Akram appeared via video link from a maximum-security prison and did not contest the ruling further.

His lawyer, Richard Wilson, told the court there were no plans to appeal the decision.The December attack shocked Australia, a country with strict gun control laws, and has prompted renewed debate over firearm regulation and rising antisemitism.

The government has since launched a national inquiry into antisemitism and social cohesion, with findings expected later this year, alongside measures to strengthen hate speech legislation.

The Metropolitan Police said no injuries were reported in the early-morning attack in Golders Green, but the blaze destroyed the vehicles, triggered explosions from onboard oxygen cylinders and damaged nearby homes, prompting evacuations.

Metropolitan Police Commissioner Mark Rowley said detectives were pursuing multiple lines of inquiry, including an online claim of responsibility by a group identifying itself as Harakat Ashab Al-Yamin Al-Islamia, which has previously claimed attacks in Europe.

“We are pursuing all lines of inquiry, including an online claim of responsibility by an Islamist group who have claimed other attacks across Europe and have potential Iranian state links,” Rowley said, adding that it was too early to attribute the incident directly to any state actor.

Police said three suspects seen in security footage carrying a canister near the ambulances are being sought, though no arrests have been made.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer described the incident as “horrific” and met Jewish community representatives at Downing Street to discuss the response.“Antisemitism has no place in our society and it’s really important that we all stand together at a moment like this,” Starmer said.

Religious leaders also condemned the attack, with Chief Rabbi Ephraim Mirvis calling it a “sickening assault,” while Anglican leader Sarah Mullally said such violence had no place in society.

The ambulances belonged to Hatzola Northwest, a volunteer emergency response organization serving the local Jewish community. The London Fire Brigade said explosions from oxygen cylinders shattered windows in nearby buildings.

The attack has heightened concerns within Britain’s Jewish population, estimated at around 300,000, amid a broader rise in antisemitic incidents. The Community Security Trust has reported a sharp increase in such cases in recent years following the October 2023 Hamas attack on Israel and the subsequent conflict in Gaza.

Police said additional security would be deployed around Jewish schools, synagogues and community centers ahead of the Passover holiday next month.

The London Fire Brigade said it deployed six fire engines and about 40 firefighters to the scene near a synagogue in Golders Green, where multiple cylinders inside the vehicles exploded, shattering windows in an adjacent apartment block.

The fire was brought under control by 0306 GMT.The ambulances were operated by Hatzola, a not-for-profit volunteer emergency response group serving the Jewish community.

Starmer called the incident “deeply shocking” and said antisemitism had no place in British society. Writing on X, he said his thoughts were with the Jewish community affected by the attack.

London Mayor Sadiq Khan also condemned the incident and said police patrols in the area would be increased.

The Metropolitan Police said officers remained at the scene and that the case was being treated as an antisemitic hate crime.

The SITE Intelligence Group reported that an Iran-aligned militant collective calling itself the Islamic Movement of the People of the Right Hand had claimed responsibility for the attack.

The group has allegedly been linked to similar arson incidents targeting Jewish sites in Belgium, Greece and the Netherlands, according to the same source.Mark Gardner, chief executive of the Community Security Trust, said the incident bore “an obvious parallel” to recent anti-Jewish arson attacks in cities including Liege, Rotterdam and Amsterdam.

Attacks on Jewish individuals and institutions have risen globally since the October 2023 Hamas attacks in Israel and the subsequent war in Gaza. British authorities have also reported a sustained increase in antisemitic incidents during this period.

Starmer said earlier this month that the government would work with both Muslim and Jewish organizations to ensure adequate security at sensitive locations, warning that broader regional conflicts, including tensions involving Iran, risk exacerbating domestic divisions.

Britain has seen several serious incidents in recent years, including a 2025 attack in Manchester in which two Jewish worshippers were killed during Yom Kippur.

This is a question that Muslims themselves must confront honestly and internally, rather than deflecting scrutiny by labelling all inquiry as Islamophobia.

Once again, terror has struck Australia’s Jewish community. In the aftermath, a familiar argument has surfaced in the media: that only a handful of individuals, three people out of hundreds of millions of Muslims worldwide, carried out this act of extreme violence, and that the wider Muslim community has nothing to do with it. This assertion is repeatedly offered as a moral and religious defense and, on the surface, appears valid.

However, what is conveniently overlooked is that celebrations and open approval of this massacre are visible across sections of the Muslim world, particularly on social media and in private conversations. Alongside this, there has also been what can only be described as cosmetic condemnation and performative solidarity, expressed through slogans such as “Islam is against violence” and “Islam condemns this.”

In this process, the victims cease to be those who lost their lives. Instead, Islam, the religion itself is positioned as the primary victim, and the public energy shifts toward defending the religion rather than mourning the dead.

This raises a more uncomfortable but necessary question. Why does this phenomenon recur? Why does violence against Jewish civilians provoke not only silence but, in some quarters, open approval? Unless this question is confronted honestly, beyond politically correct language and defensive posturing, the cycle of denial, hypocrisy, and repetition will continue, costing more lives and deepening hatred across communities.

In the aftermath of this horrific attack on civilians, another familiar narrative has been foregrounded. Considerable emphasis has been placed on the fact that a Muslim saved people during the attack and that another Muslim stood up against the Islamist terrorists. The issue, however, is not whether a Muslim acted humanely in the face of inhuman violence. That is an expectation of any human being.

The more fundamental question is why the first individual was driven to carry out the attack in the first place. Until this question is addressed honestly, there is little meaning in celebrating the second act of resistance against jihadist violence. Acts of courage during terror attacks deserve recognition, but they cannot substitute for a serious examination of the ideological and religious conditioning that produces such violence. Without confronting these roots, such narratives risk becoming distractions rather than pathways to solutions.

Each time such an attack occurs, a familiar defence is invoked: that this is not true Islam, that this is not the Islam followed by the vast majority of Muslims. While this may be factually correct, it leaves a deeper and more unsettling question unanswered.

Why are these acts of terror repeatedly carried out in the name of Islam? This is a question that Muslims themselves must confront honestly and internally, rather than deflecting scrutiny by labelling all inquiry as Islamophobia. Genuine introspection is not an attack on faith. It is a necessary condition for preventing its distortion into an instrument of violence.

Until this question is faced squarely, moral disclaimers will continue to ring hollow and fail to address the root of the problem.

Arfa Khanum Sherwani, described the Bondi Beach attack as Islamist terrorist violence targeting a peaceful gathering. In response, she was subjected to sharp criticism from sections of the Muslim intelligentsia. She was accused of liberal hypocrisy, of playing into the hands of the West, and of immaturity, among other charges.

This reaction is revealing. It shows how even naming and condemning violence carried out in the name of Islam provokes hostility rather than introspection. The focus shifts away from the crime itself and toward discrediting the individual who dares to call it out.

If thirteen or fifteen people are killed in the name of any ideology, that ideology must be subjected to scrutiny. The problem lies not with those who identify and condemn ideological violence, but with the refusal to examine the ideas that legitimize it. The instinct to silence criticism rather than engage with it reflects a deeper discomfort with accountability.

Many argue that such attacks are a consequence of the war in Gaza and Israel’s military actions. However, this particular attack targeted Jews in Australia, was carried out by a man of Pakistani origin, and occurred on Australian soil. It had no direct connection to the conflict in Gaza.

Until recently, some of our left-liberal circles argued that the attack of 7 October was justified, claiming it was inevitable because seventy-five years of history lay behind it. Even if one were to accept the relevance of historical context, a basic question remains unanswered. What had Jews celebrating Hanukkah in Australia done to people living far away in Pakistan to provoke such violence?

Yet the attack exposes something more troubling. The Gaza conflict is increasingly being conflated and weaponised to justify hostility toward Jewish communities across the world. Political anger over a distant war is redirected into hatred against civilians who have no role in that conflict.

This is deeply concerning. Slogans such as “from the river to the sea” can easily be stripped of political context and transformed into rhetoric that legitimises indiscriminate violence. What begins as a political position risks mutating into a justification for collective punishment and terror.

This slippage between protest and violence must be recognized and confronted before it becomes normalized, and the texts that give moral justification to Muslims to carry out such attacks such as Sahih Bukhari’s Hadees in which Prophet Mohammed reported to have said that ‘The Hour will not be established until you fight with the Jews, and the stone behind which a Jew will be hiding will say. “O Muslim! There is a Jew hiding behind me, so kill him.”

What it does require is a responsible, contextual explanation of such texts—how they emerged in specific historical circumstances, how classical scholars understood their limits, and why they cannot be mechanically or morally applied to contemporary civilian life.

Islamic history itself offers clear counterpoints to extremist readings. Jewish–Muslim collaboration was not an anomaly but a lived reality: the Jewish physician who served Sultan Salahuddin Ayyubi, or the Jewish neighbour of the great scholar Abdullah bin Mubarak, are reminders that coexistence, trust, and shared civic life were integral to Muslim societies. These realities stand in direct contradiction to modern attempts to universalise selective texts into timeless mandates of violence.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

The Muslim Brotherhood is a shape-shifting ideology. Sometimes it appears as social activism, other times as religious outreach.

Loay Al-Shareef, an Emirati peace activist and respected voice in the Arab reformist movement, recently issued a stark warning to American campuses and political leaders: the Muslim Brotherhood must be banned before its toxic ideology causes further harm.

His message is not one of political convenience or ideological vengeance. It is a cry rooted in personal experience, cultural insight, and a sincere concern for both the Arab world and the West.

Al-Shareef has visited more than 15 American universities, speaking alongside fellow Arab Muslim activists who once lived under the shadow of the very ideology they now confront. His mission is clear—to expose the dangers of the Muslim Brotherhood and its military wing, Hamas, before more young minds are seduced by the movement’s deceptively noble slogans.

He is often asked: Why this relentless warning? His answer is powerful in its simplicity: “Because we know their evil better than anyone else on the planet.”

This isn’t abstract theory or secondhand knowledge. Many of these reformers were once indoctrinated with the Brotherhood’s ideas—raised on narratives of victimhood, infused with theological justifications for hatred, and programmed to see the world through a rigid binary of believers versus enemies. But some, like Al-Shareef, broke free. And in that awakening, they saw not just the lie—they saw the machinery behind it.

The Muslim Brotherhood is a shape-shifting ideology. Sometimes it appears as social activism, other times as religious outreach. But in moments of global attention—especially during crises in Gaza or Jerusalem—it wears the mask of “resistance” and “liberation.” That’s when slogans like “Free Palestine” or “From the river to the sea” are weaponized. To the uninformed, they echo human rights and justice. To those who know the ideology’s roots, they are coded calls for extermination and destruction.

Al-Shareef’s perspective forces an uncomfortable but necessary re-examination. The West, particularly liberal institutions in the U.S., often romanticize political Islamists as representatives of “authentic” Muslim identity. Yet the reality is far more complex—and dangerous. The Muslim Brotherhood has long perfected the art of double-speak: peace in English, militancy in Arabic; democracy in the West, theocracy at home.

The tragedy is that many Western politicians and diplomats continue to give these preachers a pass. Whether out of ignorance, fear of being labeled “Islamophobic,” or naïve idealism, this tolerance is enabling the very ideologies that fuel radicalization, antisemitism, and violence.

Al-Shareef is not anti-Palestinian. He, like many in the Arab world, supports justice and dignity for Palestinians. But he draws a line between a genuine pursuit of peace and the manipulation of that cause by Islamist actors who have hijacked it for their own ideological war.

His call to ban the Muslim Brotherhood in America is not just about foreign policy. It’s about safeguarding the social fabric of democratic societies. It’s about recognizing antisemitism—not as a political position, but as a crime with deadly consequences. And it’s about listening to those who have walked through the fire and come out with scars and clarity.

The next time a “Free Palestine” protest escalates into violence, as many unfortunately have in recent months, remember this warning: the danger isn’t just spontaneous—it’s ideological, well-organized, and globally connected.

Loay Al-Shareef’s message to America is not anti-Muslim. It’s anti-extremist. It’s a call for nuance, courage, and truth in a time when too many prefer slogans to substance.

The West must listen to those who know the mask behind the movement. Before it’s too late.

The victims, Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Lynn Milgrim, both in their 30s, were described by colleagues as a young couple “in the prime of their lives.” They were attending a high-profile networking event hosted by the American Jewish Committee that aimed to connect young Jewish professionals with the diplomatic community, including aid workers engaged in humanitarian relief across the Middle East, including Gaza.

The shooting occurred around 9:08 p.m. local time as the couple exited the museum. According to police, the attacker approached a group of four individuals and fired at close range, killing two. The suspect was later identified as Elias Rodriguez, a 30-year-old resident of Chicago.

Who Is Elias Rodriguez?

Elias Rodriguez is known for his political activism and ties to left-wing protest movements. He has been associated with the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, according to media reports.

In 2017, Rodriguez took part in a protest outside the residence of then-Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel. The demonstration — organized by groups including ANSWER Chicago, Black Lives Matter Women of Faith, and the People’s Congress of Resistance — marked the anniversary of Laquan McDonald’s murder by a Chicago police officer. During the rally, Rodriguez argued that systemic racism, economic inequality, and the city’s bid for an Amazon headquarters were interconnected injustices.

Laquan McDonald, a 17-year-old Black teenager, was fatally shot 16 times by officer Jason Van Dyke in a case that triggered nationwide outrage and became a defining moment in the U.S. police accountability movement.

The DC Shooting

Witnesses say Rodriguez was seen “pacing back and forth” outside the Capital Jewish Museum before the attack. After firing at the group, he reportedly entered the museum, initially claiming to be a victim and asking others to call the police.

When officers arrived, Rodriguez surrendered without resistance, raised his hands, and reportedly stated, “I did this.” He then pulled out a red keffiyeh — a traditional Middle Eastern scarf — and began chanting “Free Palestine” as he was detained by law enforcement. He continued chanting even while being removed from the premises. Later, Rodriguez led authorities to the location where he had discarded his weapon.

The FBI said it is examining whether the incident was driven by bias, ideology, or other extremist motivations.

Official Reactions and Global Outcry

President Donald Trump condemned the murders as “obviously based on antisemitism,” urging an end to hate-fueled violence in the U.S. Writing on Truth Social, he said, “These horrible D.C. killings must end, NOW! Hatred and Radicalism have no place in the USA.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed outrage, describing the attack as a “heinous antisemitic murder.” He announced increased security at Israeli embassies worldwide and said, “My heart aches for the families of the beloved young man and woman, whose lives were cut short.”

Israeli Ambassador to the U.S., Yechiel Leiter, revealed that Lischinsky had planned to propose to Milgrim next week. “They were a beautiful couple with a future ahead of them,” he said in a press briefing.

Rising Security Concerns at Jewish Institutions

The Capital Jewish Museum, like many Jewish institutions across the United States, has been on high alert amid rising antisemitism. Executive Director Beatrice Gurwitz told NBC News — in an interview conducted before the attack — that the museum had recently received a security grant, in part due to the opening of a new exhibit on LGBTQ+ pride.

“Jewish institutions all around the country are concerned about security due to some very scary incidents and a climate of antisemitism,” she said.

Israeli embassy spokesperson Tal Naim Cohen confirmed that the two victims were shot at close range and expressed confidence that U.S. authorities would “ensure the safety of Israeli representatives and Jewish communities across America.”

JoJo Kalin, a board member of the American Jewish Committee and co-organizer of the event, said she was devastated but resolute. “This is tragic. But I will not lose my humanity or be deterred. Both Israelis and Palestinians deserve peace and dignity — and tragically, that was exactly what we were discussing when this violence unfolded.”

The investigation remains ongoing, with federal hate crime charges expected in the coming days.