Speaking alongside Syrian transitional President Ahmed Al-Sharaa in Berlin, Merz said both governments were seeking to create conditions that would allow more Syrians to return voluntarily to their homeland.

Germany hosts the largest Syrian diaspora in the European Union, with more than one million Syrians, many of whom arrived during the 2015–2016 migrant influx.“We are working jointly toward more Syrians being able to return to their homeland,” Merz said at a joint press conference.

Sharaa said Damascus and Berlin were exploring a “circular” migration framework that would allow Syrians to participate in rebuilding their country while retaining the option to remain in Germany.

Such a model would enable returnees to contribute to reconstruction efforts without permanently relinquishing the economic and social stability they have established abroad, he said.

Merz said Germany intended to support Syria’s reconstruction after years of civil war, adding that a German delegation would travel to Syria in the coming days to advance cooperation.

However, he stressed that deeper bilateral engagement would depend on progress toward establishing rule-of-law institutions.

“Many joint projects in the future will depend on our finding a state governed by the rule of law,” Merz said, adding that he was confident such conditions could be achieved following discussions with Sharaa.

Sharaa, whose forces ousted longtime ruler Bashar Assad late last year, is set to meet U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House on Monday. The visit marks the first by a Syrian head of state to the United States since the country’s independence in 1946, analysts said.

The interim Syrian leader previously met Trump in Riyadh in May during the U.S. president’s regional tour.

Washington’s envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack, said earlier this month that Sharaa was expected to sign an agreement for Syria to join the international U.S.-led coalition against the Daesh (Islamic State) group.

According to a diplomatic source in Damascus, the United States also plans to establish a military base near the Syrian capital “to coordinate humanitarian aid and observe developments between Syria and Israel.”

Delisting and Diplomatic Shifts

The U.S. State Department’s decision to remove Sharaa from the terrorism blacklist on Friday had been widely anticipated.

State Department spokesman Tommy Pigott said Sharaa’s government had made progress in addressing key American demands, including cooperation on locating missing U.S. citizens and eliminating any remaining chemical weapons stockpiles.

“These actions are being taken in recognition of the progress demonstrated by the Syrian leadership after the departure of Bashar Assad and more than 50 years of repression under the Assad regime,” Pigott said.

He added that removing Sharaa from the blacklist would promote “regional security and stability as well as an inclusive, Syrian-led and Syrian-owned political process.”

Crackdown on Daesh

Syria’s interior ministry announced on Saturday that it had carried out 61 raids and made 71 arrests in a “proactive campaign to neutralize the threat” of Daesh, according to the state-run SANA news agency.

The ministry said the operations targeted suspected Islamic State sleeper cells across several provinces, including Aleppo, Idlib, Hama, Homs, Deir ez-Zor, Raqqa, and Damascus.

Following his arrival in Washington, Sharaa met with representatives of Syrian community organizations in the U.S. capital, Syrian media reported.

In a lighthearted moment ahead of his departure, Syrian Foreign Minister posted a video on social media showing Sharaa playing basketball with U.S. CENTCOM Commander Gen. Brad Cooper and Kevin Lambert, head of the international anti-Daesh coalition in Iraq, with the caption: “Work hard, play harder.”

From Rebel Commander to Statesman

Sharaa’s visit to Washington follows his appearance at the United Nations General Assembly in September — his first trip to U.S. soil — where he became the first Syrian president in decades to address the assembly in New York.

On Thursday, the U.S. led a Security Council vote to lift U.N. sanctions against him.

Once affiliated with Al-Qaeda, Sharaa formerly led the militant group Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS), which was delisted as a terrorist organization by Washington in July.

Since seizing power, Syria’s new leadership has sought to distance itself from its extremist roots and project a more moderate, internationally acceptable image.

“The White House visit is further testament to the U.S. commitment to the new Syria and a hugely symbolic moment for the country’s new leader, who thus marks another step in his astonishing transformation from militant leader to global statesman,” said Michael Hanna, U.S. Program Director at the International Crisis Group.

Reconstruction Challenges Ahead

Sharaa is expected to seek international funding for Syria’s post-war reconstruction during his visit. The country faces enormous economic and humanitarian challenges after 13 years of civil conflict.

In October, the World Bank estimated the cost of rebuilding Syria at a “conservative best estimate” of $216 billion.

As Washington and Damascus cautiously rebuild diplomatic ties, Sharaa’s visit signals what many observers see as a historic turning point — both for Syria’s reemergence on the world stage and for a region long defined by conflict and isolation.

Speaking to Turkish journalists on board a flight from Azerbaijan, Erdogan emphasized the importance of collaboration and unity as key drivers of long-term peace and development in the region.

“The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) must keep their word. They must complete their integration with Syria,” Erdogan stated, highlighting the commitment expected from all parties to uphold agreements and work constructively towards a peaceful future.

His remarks underline Turkey’s proactive support for a stable Syria under its new leadership, led by President Ahmed Al-Sharaa, and reflect a broader vision of regional harmony based on cooperation, dialogue, and mutual respect.

The recent ceasefire, agreed upon after a meeting between President Al-Sharaa and Kurdish leader Mazloum Abdi in Aleppo, marks a major step forward in easing tensions that have affected northern and northeastern Syria. Erdogan’s call for integration comes at a time when both sides are seeking ways to bridge differences and establish mechanisms that promote inclusivity and institutional coordination.

The ceasefire agreement itself demonstrates the willingness of both the Syrian government and Kurdish authorities to find common ground and prioritize the welfare of civilians in conflict-affected areas.

Erdogan also reaffirmed Turkey’s stance on Syria’s territorial integrity, stating that the unity of the country remains a fundamental principle. “Syria’s territorial integrity is non-negotiable for us. We cannot accept any stance against this,” he said.

By emphasizing the importance of national cohesion alongside constructive engagement, Erdogan signaled that Turkey envisions a future where all communities within Syria, including the Kurdish population, can participate fully in governance and civil society while maintaining the country’s unity and stability.

The integration of the SDF’s civil and military institutions into the state has been a priority since the March 10 deal, and Erdogan’s comments stress the need to implement agreements in a timely and cooperative manner.

Despite past tensions, including Turkish operations in northern Syria between 2016 and 2019, Erdogan’s current statements adopt a forward-looking and conciliatory approach, promoting dialogue and inclusive governance rather than confrontation. This perspective offers hope for long-term collaboration between Syrian Kurds, the central government, and regional stakeholders.

The positive trajectory in Syria also has wider implications for regional stability. By encouraging integration and constructive engagement, Erdogan reinforces the notion that sustainable peace in northern Syria depends on cooperation, trust-building, and respect for established agreements.

Such initiatives not only help reduce hostilities but also create an environment conducive to development, reconstruction, and improved quality of life for local communities affected by years of conflict.

Turkey’s support for Syria’s new leadership reflects its commitment to regional peace and development, emphasizing collaboration over division. Erdogan’s remarks serve as a reminder that inclusive governance, adherence to agreements, and constructive dialogue are essential for long-term stability.

By urging Kurdish groups to integrate and work with the central government, Erdogan envisions a Syria where reconciliation and cooperation become central to building a secure and prosperous future for all citizens.

Overall, the ongoing ceasefire and Erdogan’s call for integration highlight a hopeful path forward for Syria.

They underscore the importance of unity, dialogue, and mutual respect among all parties, setting the stage for greater cooperation, reduced tensions, and regional stability. With proactive leadership and a shared commitment to peace, Syria has the opportunity to rebuild stronger institutions and foster lasting harmony among its diverse communities.

The process, overseen by interim leader Ahmed Al-Sharaa, marks a significant milestone in Syria’s post-conflict reconstruction and nation-building efforts.

The new assembly, which will serve a renewable 30-month mandate, is designed to guide Syria through its transitional phase, implementing legislative functions under a temporary constitution while preparing the groundwork for a permanent constitution and future elections.

Sharaa emphasized that the parliament’s formation reflects Syria’s commitment to structured governance and orderly political development after more than 13 years of civil conflict.

“The transitional parliament is a vital step in restoring governance and ensuring that Syria’s future is shaped through participation, accountability, and national priorities,” Sharaa said. “Our goal is stability, inclusion, and creating institutions that serve the Syrian people.”

More than 1,500 candidates registered for the assembly, reflecting a diverse spectrum of professionals, educators, business leaders, and civic-minded citizens. While 14 percent of candidates are women, the process underscores growing opportunities for female participation in Syria’s political life.

Among those running is Syrian-American Henry Hamra, the first Jewish candidate to stand for a Syrian parliamentary seat since the 1940s, highlighting the inclusive and pluralistic approach being encouraged.

Under the transitional rules, Sharaa will appoint 70 representatives, while the remaining two-thirds of the 210-member body will be selected by local committees. These committees, composed of civic leaders and community representatives, ensure that the voices of ordinary Syrians are integrated into governance.

Around 6,000 citizens are participating in the selection process, reflecting widespread engagement and enthusiasm for shaping Syria’s post-conflict political landscape.

Candidates must demonstrate a commitment to Syria’s unity and development, ensuring that the new parliament focuses on constructive legislation, economic recovery, and national reconciliation.

Sharaa and his team have emphasized transparency and integrity, creating an environment where new leaders can emerge and contribute meaningfully to Syria’s governance.

The transitional parliament will play a crucial role in shaping Syria’s economic, social, and international future. Among its priorities are signing and ratifying international agreements, supporting post-conflict reconstruction, and promoting sustainable development.

Candidates such as Hala Al-Qudsi, a member of Damascus’s electoral committee, have expressed dedication to advancing Syria’s national interests while fostering constructive dialogue with regional neighbors.

Efforts are also underway to expand participation over time. Negotiations are ongoing with Kurdish and Druze communities to integrate civil and administrative institutions into the central government, ensuring that more regions can benefit from the transitional process.

Sharaa has stressed that political engagement will continue to broaden as stability returns, laying the foundation for eventual direct elections.

Observers note that this transitional assembly represents a forward-looking approach to governance, emphasizing order, stability, and the creation of capable institutions after years of conflict.

Citizens like Louay Al-Arfi, a retired civil servant in Damascus, have welcomed the initiative as a necessary step toward building trust in political structures and promoting civic participation.

The formation of Syria’s transitional parliament is more than a procedural milestone—it is a symbol of resilience, renewal, and hope. By establishing structured governance, engaging local communities, and empowering a new generation of leaders, Syria is charting a path toward long-term stability and inclusive development.

With ongoing efforts to expand representation, enhance participation, and strengthen institutions, the transitional parliament is set to become a cornerstone of Syria’s revival.

As the nation rebuilds, the assembly provides a platform for constructive governance, demonstrating that even after decades of conflict, Syria is taking meaningful steps toward a stable, prosperous, and united future.

The crisis in Suwayda is not about religion—it’s about power, control, and the future of a nation struggling to unify.

As Syria attempts to rebuild after over a decade of civil war, a new and unexpected front of unrest has emerged—not from Sunni rebels or Kurdish militias, but from within the traditionally neutral Druze community in the southern Suwayda governorate. The recent escalation shatters the myth of Druze unity and exposes deep divisions fueled by opportunism, external manipulation, and conflicting visions for Syria’s future.

The Druze, an esoteric religious minority that emerged from Shia Ismailism in the 11th century, have historically preferred isolation and neutrality in regional conflicts. In Syria, their base is Suwayda, a mountainous and relatively quiet region that largely remained detached during the peak of the war. Today, however, Suwayda is fractured between three competing power centers led by prominent sheikhs: Sheikh Al-Hinawi, Sheikh Laith Al-Balaous, and Sheikh Hikmat Al-Hijri.

Al-Hinawi and Al-Balaous have aligned with Syria’s new government under Ahmed Al-Sharaa and pledged to reintegrate the Druze region into the national framework. Meanwhile, Al-Hijri—once a loyalist of Bashar al-Assad—has rejected the new order. Seeking to control Suwayda as an autonomous stronghold, his militia has resisted disarmament and openly attacked government forces, plunging the region into renewed conflict.

Tensions surged after a clear message from Washington that Syria will not be divided into ethnic or sectarian enclaves. The statement triggered a realignment among Suwayda’s factions. Militias under Al-Hinawi and Al-Balaous agreed to disarm, signaling a desire to return to national unity. But Al-Hijri doubled down on defiance—launching violent attacks, desecrating corpses, and distributing sectarian propaganda against Syria’s Sunni majority.

His forces also began targeting nearby Arab Bedouin tribes, sparking widespread outrage. Kidnappings, shelling of villages, and acts of lawlessness plunged Suwayda into chaos. Amid the growing instability, Israel intervened militarily, claiming to protect Druze interests. Israeli airstrikes targeted Syrian army positions, killing soldiers and escalating regional tensions.

Observers note that Israel has long viewed the Druze near the Golan Heights—especially in Hadar and Quneitra—as buffers against Hezbollah and Iranian proxies. Supporting the Druze also allows Israel to highlight its internal diversity and counter accusations of regional oppression. But when that support leads to bloodshed in Syria, the moral narrative becomes increasingly complex and politically fraught.

Turning Point: National Unity vs. Sectarian Warlordism

On July 15, a landmark statement was issued jointly by Sheikh Al-Hinawi, Sheikh Laith Al-Balaous, and Druze tribal elders. It declared full support for reintroducing Syrian state institutions in Suwayda, rejected separatism, and welcomed the Syrian army’s return. The agreement was endorsed by Christian, Sunni, and Druze representatives, marking a broad consensus toward restoring peace and normalcy.

But just hours later, Sheikh Al-Hijri rejected the accord. In a televised address, he denounced the Syrian government, called for tribal mobilization, and invited international intervention. Almost immediately, Israeli airstrikes resumed, fueling fears of a wider proxy conflict.

Al-Hijri’s rebellion is not rooted in religious ideology—it’s a calculated power grab. By portraying himself as a protector of the Druze against a Sunni-dominated state, he seeks total control over Suwayda, regardless of the cost. His campaign has already resulted in hundreds of deaths, severe economic decline, and regional instability. Worse still, it risks painting the entire Druze population as complicit, despite growing internal opposition to his actions.

Reports indicate that Al-Hijri’s fighters have stockpiled advanced weapons, some allegedly supplied via covert external channels. His propaganda claims the Syrian state is failing to protect minorities, but his own forces have been implicated in abductions, illegal checkpoints, and smuggling operations. Locals say his militias extort money, confiscate land, and obstruct humanitarian aid.

While Syria’s central government appears determined to avoid full-scale confrontation, it has quietly mobilized elite units near Suwayda. The aim is to isolate Al-Hijri without sparking a broader Druze backlash. Intelligence sources confirm that talks are ongoing with moderate Druze leaders to ensure a peaceful handover of power and weapons in exchange for local autonomy under state supervision.

A Community’s Plea for Peace

In a rare interview with Al Jazeera, the Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Yusuf Jarbou made it clear that the majority of the community opposes Al-Hijri’s actions.

“Any aggression against the Syrian state is an aggression against us. We are part of Syria,” he said. “Exploiting the Druze for political gain brings us no benefit.”

“The ceasefire agreement had full public support and interfaith representation,” he added.

As the government, now backed by Druze leadership, regains control of Suwayda, large weapon caches have been discovered—proving that Al-Hijri’s uprising was long in the making. The government has vowed to disarm all militias, arrest rogue actors, and fully restore rule of law.

Yet external actors, such as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), view Al-Hijri’s rebellion as a last line of resistance against a unified Syrian state. Their support further complicates the situation, revealing how local unrest is often amplified by broader geopolitical agendas.

Moreover, there are concerns that foreign media and Western think tanks may attempt to frame the Suwayda conflict as an “ethnic persecution” narrative to further isolate the Assad government. This risks ignoring the complex local dynamics and empowering the most destabilizing factions.

Inside Israel, the Druze community—many of whom serve in the Israeli army—have openly expressed solidarity with Syrian Druze. This provides Tel Aviv a diplomatic card to play, showcasing its support for minority rights. However, critics argue that such gestures are part of a broader strategy to legitimize Israeli presence in the occupied Golan Heights and undermine Iranian entrenchment near the border.

Meanwhile, Syria’s new President Ahmed Al-Sharaa has called for national reconciliation and vowed to restore Suwayda through political dialogue, not military conquest. His government has proposed a regional council of Druze elders, clergy, and civil leaders to mediate the crisis and draft a roadmap for full reintegration.

Whether this plan succeeds will depend on international will to restrain spoilers and respect Syria’s sovereignty. It also hinges on the Druze community reclaiming its historic legacy as a force for stability rather than a pawn in foreign agendas.

Beyond the Crisis

The crisis in Suwayda is not about religion—it’s about power, control, and the future of a nation struggling to unify. The majority of Syria’s Druze community stands for peace and national unity. But one warlord, emboldened by foreign support, threatens to undo years of fragile progress.

The world must recognize: Sheikh Al-Hijri does not speak for the Druze. And Suwayda is not a bargaining chip for regional interests. If Syria is to emerge from its long night of war, it must do so as one nation—with all its communities moving forward together.

Speaking to ILTV News this week, Rawan Osman, a prominent Syrian dissident and commentator, said she has consistently maintained her stance in Israeli media: “I’ve said it before and I’ll say it again—Syria will be next to normalize ties with Israel, even before Lebanon.”

Osman, who has been vocal in her opposition to the previous Assad regime, explained her reasoning by citing the speed with which anti-Assad forces dismantled the stronghold of the Ba’athist regime. “I saw how swiftly the rebels and jihadists overthrew [former President Bashar] al-Assad. That shift is irreversible,” she stated.

When asked about the credibility of the current Syrian leadership, Osman did not mince words. She expressed skepticism toward Ahmed al-Sharaa, the transitional leader and former jihadist reportedly linked to Al-Qaeda. “I do not trust Ahmed al-Sharaa,” she said. “He was part of Al-Qaeda, and many of his closest allies come from jihadist backgrounds.”

However, Osman emphasized the realpolitik of the current scenario: “At the moment, they are the best we have.”

Her remarks come amid growing speculation that more Arab states, particularly those grappling with post-conflict reconstruction, may seek normalization with Israel as a path to regional integration and economic recovery.

While critics view such diplomatic overtures as premature given Syria’s fractured political landscape, others argue that normalization might offer a lifeline to a country battered by years of war, isolation, and economic ruin.

The Abraham Accords, originally signed in 2020 between Israel, the UAE, and Bahrain—and later joined by Morocco and Sudan—marked a seismic shift in regional diplomacy. Should Syria join, it would mark a historic turnabout from decades of hostility and enmity.

Despite deep-seated skepticism from the Syrian diaspora and within Israel’s security establishment, voices like Osman’s are gaining traction in policy circles exploring post-war Syrian rehabilitation.

With Syria’s future still uncertain and power centers in flux, the mere discussion of potential normalization reflects broader changes underway across the Middle East—where former enemies may soon find themselves on speaking terms in a rapidly evolving geopolitical arena.

Since the fall of the Assad regime, al-Sharaa has repeatedly stated that Syria does not wish to pose a threat to Israel.

In a potentially game-changing development for the Middle East, Johnnie Moore, a prominent Evangelical pastor and close ally of former U.S. President Donald Trump, has expressed optimism about the prospect of peace between Syria and Israel. Speaking to Reuters following a rare visit to Damascus, Moore stated, “Peace is very possible—perhaps even likely.”

Moore met Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani) alongside Rabbi Abraham Cooper of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, a Jewish human rights organization. The delegation, focused on interfaith dialogue and humanitarian cooperation, held talks inside the Syrian presidential palace.

While the topic of Israel was not on the official agenda, Moore revealed that the possibility of peace between the two long-time adversaries came up during discussions. “The top priority,” Moore emphasized, “is that Syria focuses on Syria.” However, he noted that President al-Sharaa also acknowledged the “potential for a very positive future.”

Moore currently chairs the Global Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), which oversees aid distribution in Gaza, and also heads the Public Commission at the University of Haifa’s Religion Research Lab. He previously served as a commissioner on the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom.

A Quiet Shift in the Region?

According to the Reuters report, no official response has yet come from President al-Sharaa’s office. However, the tone of the visit suggests a subtle shift in Syria’s regional outlook.

Rabbi Cooper, who has previously visited Gulf states like Bahrain and the UAE before they normalized relations with Israel under the Abraham Accords, described the visit to Damascus as “a walk in the open.” He even noted that he moved freely through the streets of the Syrian capital wearing a Jewish skullcap (kippah)—a striking contrast to his experience in Saudi Arabia last year, where he was asked to remove it by an official, prompting the early end of a U.S. congressional delegation’s visit.

Cooper and Moore, both long-time advocates of Arab-Jewish interfaith dialogue, said they believe President al-Sharaa is capable of advancing peace. Moore described him as a “unicorn” in Middle Eastern politics—a rare figure who could potentially alter the course of regional dynamics.

“There’s a real window of opportunity here,” Cooper said, while cautioning, “but that doesn’t reduce the size of the task ahead.”

The duo reportedly suggested launching grassroots humanitarian initiatives to “break stereotypes and create an informal corps of goodwill ambassadors,” though they declined to elaborate on specifics.

They also met with members of Syria’s Christian community during their visit, further emphasizing the mission’s interfaith character.

Secret Syria-Israel Channel?

The backdrop to this visit is a recent report claiming that the United Arab Emirates helped establish a secret communication channel between Syria and Israel at President al-Sharaa’s request. These backchannel talks reportedly focus on intelligence-sharing and security cooperation, with the broader aim of trust-building.

According to sources cited by Reuters, Damascus sees Abu Dhabi’s Abraham Accords with Israel as a potential framework for resolving long-standing issues—particularly since Syria and Israel currently lack direct diplomatic ties.

Since the fall of the Assad regime, al-Sharaa has repeatedly stated that Syria does not wish to pose a threat to Israel. In fact, his administration has taken the unprecedented step of detaining senior Islamic Jihad figures believed to be linked to the October 7 massacre.

A letter sent last month by Syria’s Foreign Ministry to the U.S. State Department, obtained by Reuters, declared: “We will not allow Syria to become a source of threat to any country—including Israel.”

However, not all observers are convinced. Senior Israeli officials remain wary, accusing al-Sharaa of deceiving the international community. “Behind the suit and diplomatic gestures lies a dangerous vision for an Islamist regime just as threatening as the previous one,” one Israeli intelligence source warned.

Trump’s Quiet Diplomacy?

The report also noted that President Trump held a private meeting with al-Sharaa last month, though details remain undisclosed. This adds weight to the growing speculation that informal diplomacy—possibly brokered by Trump allies—could be laying the groundwork for a future peace accord between Syria and Israel.

For now, the road remains uncertain, but voices like Moore and Cooper suggest that, amid the ruins of conflict and mistrust, a new horizon may be emerging—one where Syria and Israel could chart a path toward reconciliation.

The announcement, made Monday by the Syrian presidency, marks a breakthrough in efforts to reunite the country after more than 13 years of civil war and internal fragmentation. The deal signals the beginning of the end of parallel administrations in Syria’s north and east and reasserts central authority over critical regions long outside Damascus’ direct control.

A statement published by the presidency emphasized that “all civilian and military institutions in the northeast, including border posts, airports, and oil and gas fields, will now be integrated under the administration of the Syrian state.”

State media also released a photograph of President Sharaa shaking hands with SDF commander Mazloum Abdi, underlining the significance of the agreement. The document declared that “the Kurdish community is an essential component of the Syrian state” and reaffirmed its rights to full citizenship and constitutional protections.

End of Division?

The agreement comes just days after severe violence erupted in Syria’s coastal Alawite heartland — the community from which former president Bashar al-Assad hailed. This outbreak, sparked by attacks from Assad loyalists, represented the most serious internal security challenge since Assad was ousted in December.

According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, over 1,000 civilians—primarily Alawites—were killed in a brutal crackdown by new government forces. Additionally, 231 security personnel and 250 pro-Assad fighters lost their lives during the clashes.

Despite the bloodshed, the government declared the operation concluded on Monday and shifted its focus to stabilizing the country through national integration. The timing of the SDF agreement suggests a strategic pivot toward unity, following the decapitation of Assad-era loyalist resistance.

SDF’s Strategic Role

The SDF, which emerged during the civil war as a U.S.-backed force, had established a de facto autonomous administration across much of northern and eastern Syria, including areas rich in oil and gas — resources critical to Syria’s post-war reconstruction.

The group, led largely by Kurdish forces, was instrumental in defeating ISIS in its final territorial stronghold in 2019. However, the SDF’s refusal to disarm had led to their exclusion from a recent national dialogue conference hosted by Syria’s new authorities.

The current agreement, however, offers a compromise: recognition and inclusion in exchange for institutional integration. The document also stresses support from the SDF in the government’s campaign against “remnants of Assad’s forces and all threats to Syria’s unity and security.”

A Reversal of History

For decades under the Assad regime, Syria’s Kurdish population was systematically marginalized. Many were denied citizenship, barred from using their language, and forbidden from celebrating their cultural identity.

The tide turned during the civil war, when the Syrian military’s withdrawal from the north enabled Kurdish groups to establish local governance. Yet, their ties to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)—a group designated as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the U.S., and the EU—complicated relations with regional and international powers.

Despite Ankara’s concerns, the SDF insists it operates independently of the PKK. However, its backbone—the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG)—is widely considered by Turkey to be an extension of the PKK. Turkish forces have routinely targeted Kurdish-held areas in northern Syria and supported proxy militias against them.

The agreement with Syria’s new authorities, who have established close ties with Turkey since Assad’s fall, could reduce Ankara’s justification for continued military action—provided the SDF’s integration is fully realized and verified.

A Step Toward Peace?

The timing of this deal is also significant in light of a recent call from jailed PKK founder Abdullah Öcalan, urging the group to disband and abandon armed struggle. If realized, the dissolution of the PKK could signal a new era of regional stability, and the SDF’s absorption into Syrian state structures may mark a move away from militia rule toward centralized governance.

While challenges remain, including Turkish military presence and latent sectarian divisions, the agreement could serve as the first genuine blueprint for Syria’s reunification — built not on military might, but on negotiation and mutual recognition.

The resolution, which calls for Syria’s new government to support inquiries into crimes committed during the conflict that started in 2011, passed without opposition at the Human Rights Council in Geneva on Friday.

It indicates a shift in support by the 47 country members of the council toward Syria’s new government and its efforts to improve its rights record.

“Such international support serves as a strong incentive to continue the path of reform,” Syria’s ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva, Haydar Ali Ahmad, told the council.

Rebels led by the now president of the new transitional government, Ahmed al-Sharaa, seized the capital Damascus in December. Assad fled to Russia, following the 13 years of civil war that led to the disappearance of more than 100,000 people and the use of torture and chemical weapons by the regime.

Under pressure to show that it is turning a new page from the former regime, Syria’s new government welcomed the resolution on Friday.

“We are proud of Syria’s positive and constructive participation in drafting the resolution for the first time,” Syria Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani said in a statement posted on X.

Members of the council welcomed Syria’s engagement on Friday and urged it to uphold the resolution’s commitments, including the Commission of Inquiry into serious crimes since the start of the war.

British Ambassador to the U.N. Simon Manley said the killing of hundreds of Alwaite civilians – the minority sect from which toppled leader Bashir al-Assad hails – in March was a “chilling reminder of the deep wounds” from the conflict, and the need for justice and accountability.