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FAITH: The deceptive statement — “Only Allah can judge me”

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By Fahd Barmem

We often find people when reminded to fear Allah, they bring shallow excuses to cover up their mistakes with statements like—“Only Allah can judge us”, and “You don’t know what is in the heart”.

The similar statements were uttered by the Khawarij or renegades—who emerged during the time of fourth Caliph of Islam – Ali bin Abi-Talib (may Allah be pleased with him). Upon which he replied, the statements are true but they are intentionally applied (to support) a wrong (cause).

The Khawaarij denied the role of man in making decisions and forming judgments. Whereas, we do indeed have court systems, and judges to make judgments. [Read the long conversation between Ibn Abbaas and the Khawaarij].

The second statement is from the Aqeedah (Creed) of the Murji’ah, those who believe that:

  • Imaan is nothing but a belief of the heart only.
  • The actions of the limbs and statement of the tongue are not a part of Imaan.
  • It neither increases with obedience nor decreases with disobedience.
  • And that it remains constant.

Correct Position

[Whereas the Ahl al-Sunnah wal-Jamaaah believe that Imaan is to believe in the articles of Faith with:

  • Firm conviction of the heart,
  • Statement of the tongue (saying the Shahaadah),
  • Actions of the limbs,
  • It increases with righteousness and obedience, and decreases with sins and disobedience.

So, instead of owning up to their mistakes and correcting themselves, many people utter such statements as a cover up, and to run away from their responsibilities.

They also utter such statements to silence those who want to help them. Their pride denies them from accepting the Truth/Guidance.

Anyways, when someone makes a mistake, then it is futile to remain silent and just say: “We don’t know what his intention was.” We can make an excuse for him that it was an accident, or that he might have done it out of ignorance, or that he didn’t know it any better.

But we cannot remain silent. Rather, we should correct the mistake – but in a way most honorable, so that the one who made the mistake accepts the correction, and that the people around them would not – unknowingly – accept the falsehood as the truth.

Narrated Umar bin Al-Khattaab (May Allah be pleased with him): ❝People were (sometimes) judged by the revealing of a Divine Inspiration during the lifetime of Allaah’s Messenger ﷺ but now there is no longer any more (new revelation). Now we judge you by the deeds you practice publicly, so we will trust and favor the one who does good deeds in front of us, and we will not call him to account about what he is really doing in secret, for Allaah will judge him for that; but we will not trust or believe the one who presents to us with an evil deed even if he claims that his intentions were good.❞  [Saheeh al-Bukhaaree (2460)]

We have many more narrations in which we find that the Prophet ﷺ and his Companions took corrective measures right away when they saw any Munkar (wrong) and rebuked its doer.

Incident One: In the battle of Hunain, when those who had recently accepted  Islaam said to the Prophet ﷺ to make for them Dhaat Anwaat (i.e. a tree through which the Mushriks used to seek blessings, the Prophet ﷺ rebuked them and said that the people from this Ummah will be following in the footsteps of Ahl al-Kitaab. [Musnad Ahmad and Sunan al-Tirmidhee and graded as “Saheeh” by Shaikh al-Albaanee ]

Incident Two: When a person gave a sermon in the presence of the Prophet ﷺ and made a mistake therein, the Prophet ﷺ rebuked him and asked him to leave saying what a bad speaker you are. [Saheeh Muslim and Sunan Abu Dawood]

Incident Three: When the man said to the Prophet ﷺ: “Whatever Allaah Wills and you will”, the Prophet ﷺ corrected him saying: ❝Do you make me equal with Allaah? Rather say: ‘Whatever Allaah alone Wills.❞ [Musnad Ahmad and al-Adab al-Mufrad and graded as “Saheeh” by Shaikh al-Albaanee]

Incident Four: When some Bedouins came to Abu Hurairah asking who created Allaah, Abu Hurairah threw pebbles at him and informed them to leave. [Saheeh Muslim]

Incident Five: When a man asked Imaam Maalik about how Allaah rose over the Throne (Istawa). Imaam Maalik replied: “Istawa is not unknown, the Kayf (how of it) is uncomprehendible, believing in it is Waajib (obligatory), and asking about it is Bidah (religious innovation), and I do not think that you are anything but an innovator.” Then he ordered that the man be expelled.

Incident Six: When Ibn Masood was informed about the Bid`ah of the people who had gathered in the Masjid and were counting the Dhikr on pebbles, he approached them in the Masjid and rebuked them severely.

Incident Seven: When some people said to Imaam Ahmad Ibn Hanbal that they felt uneasy about criticizing people, he replied: “If you were to remain silent and I was to remain silent, how would the ignorant masses know the truth from falsehood?”

There are many more narrations like these—which underlines the importance of correcting mistakes for the general benefit of mankind, and not giving up to people’s emotions.

Fahd Barmem is a regular blogger at Ilm4all.blogspot.com, who motivates people to ponder over true and pristine Islamic teachings.

Akbaruddin Owaisi makes whopping victory Fifth time in Hyderabad

Hyderabad – Akbaruddin Owaisi, brother of Asaduddin Owaisi of Majlis-Ittehaadul-Muslimeen (MIM) of Hyderabad has won the Chandrayan Gutta seat for the fifth consecutive time in the assembly elections.

48-year-old Owaisi has been Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) since 1999. He won with whooping results against his counterpart Eesa Misri of Congress party and Shehzadi Begum of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

According to the live trends, around 10 am, Chandrashekar Rao’s party Telangana Rashtriya Samiti (TRS) is ahead of 80 seats, while Congress and its alliance Telugu Desam Party (TDP) combined are ahead of 26 seats and BJP with three seats.

Polling for 119 seats of Telangana assembly took place on December 7 and counting began at 8 am today. In the elections, the ruling TRS and BJP have contested alone and the Congress made alliance with Telugu Desam Party (TDP), CPI and Telangana Jan Samiti (TJS).

MIM fielded eight of the 119 assembly seats in Telangana this year, and there has been a continuous fight between the TRS and the Congress in the province.

Owaisi brothers of Hyderabad have been vocal against the Nazi-influenced Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and its subordinate militant organizations.

The duo have been notable and honored in the Muslim, Dalit and Christian communities for bravely confronting the fascist parties.

It commonly believed, any Government formed in Telangana has to make alliance with MIM, hence MIM has kept a strong hold in Hyderabad.

Rajasthan, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram, MP election results 2018: Live updates

Counting of votes for assembly election results is underway in five states – Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Telangana and Mizoram.

In the multi-phase polling, Chhattisgarh voted on November 12 (18 seats) and November 20 (72 seats); Madhya Pradesh (230 seats) and Mizoram (40 seats) on November 28; and Rajasthan (199 seats) and Telangana (119 seats) on December 7. Here are the key highlights:

Hyderabad: AIMIM leader Akbaruddin Owaisi wins from Chandrayan Gutta constituency of Telangana.

Trends at 10 am: It is turning out to be a close fight between BJP and Congress in Madhya Pradesh. In Rajasthan, Congress is still ahead of the BJP. TRS and MNF are heading for a victory in Telangana and Mizoram, respectively. In Chhattisgarh, Congress is ahead of the BJP and CM Dr Raman Singh is trailing from Rajnandgaon.

In Rajasthan, CM Vasundhara Raje is leading by 4055 votes from Jhalrapatan, Congress’ Ashok Gehlot leading by 5112 votes from Sardarpura.

Chhattisgarh: Former chief minister Ajit Jogi is trailing in Marwahi by about 2,100 votes.

Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan is leading in Budhni. The senior BJP leader is fighting against Congress candidate Arun Yadav, a former minister.

Trends at 9:30 am: In Telangana, TRS is dominating with a vote share of 50.3%, followed by Congress with a vote share of 8.9%. In Madhya Pradesh, it is turning out to be a close contest between BJP and the Congress; Congress+ is ahead in 52 seats and BJP is leading in 49. In Rajasthan, Congress is taking a strong lead. In Chhattisgarh, Congress is ahead of the BJP that has been in power for 15 years now and CM Dr Raman Singh is trailing from Rajnandgaon. In Mizoram, MNF is ahead in 16 seats while Congress is leading in 13. BJP+ is ahead in 2 constituencies in the state.

As per early trends, Chhattisgarh chief minister Dr Raman Singh is trailing from Rajnandgaon, Congress’s Karuna Shukla is leading in the constituency.

Trends at 9 am: Neck and neck in Telangana, so far; TRS is leading in 50 seats and Congress-led alliance in 33 seats. In Rajasthan, Congress is taking a strong lead, as per the early trends. Congress is ahead in 43 seats, while BJP is leading in 28 constituencies. In Madhya Pradesh, BJP and the Congress are neck and neck while Shivraj Singh Chouhan is leading in his constituency. In Chhattisgarh, Congress is ahead in 17 seats. In Mizoram, MNF ahead in 16 seats, Congress in 11 seats.

For the Rajasthan assembly elections results, the counting will take place at 35 centres. Voting for 199 of the total 200 assembly seats in the state took place on December 7. In 2013 assembly election, BJP had won 163 seats, Congress 21, BSP 3, NPP 4 and independents and others 9 seats.

For the Madhya Pradesh results, 15,000 officers and workers will be put on duty for the task. In order to ensure transparency, the EVM machines which did not give clear results due to malfunctioning during mock polls will be taken out in the last round and the results will be tallied with the VVPAT slips. As many as 2,899 candidates were in the fray including 250 women and five third gender candidates.

In Chhattisgarh, tight security arrangements have been made at the counting centres in all 27 districts, particularly the Naxal-affected ones, to elect a new 90-member Assembly. As many as 5,184 counting personnel and 1,500 micro-observers have been appointed for smooth conduct of the process. In the 2013 elections, the BJP won 49 seats, the Congress 39, while one seat each was bagged by the BSP and an Independent.

For the Telangana results, security has been tightened to ensure smooth conduct of the counting process in all the districts. Telangana assembly has 119 seats with 60 being the majority mark. In 2014 assembly election, TRS won 63 seats while the Congress stood second with 21 seats; AIMIM secured seven while the BJP won five and its then alliance partner TDP won 15 seats.

In Mizoram, the counting will start at 8 am in all the districts. In the last elections, the Congress formed the government in the state by winning 29 seats. The Congress and the MNF have ruled Mizoram since 1987. The BJP also has set its eyes on the state this time as all other northeastern states are now ruled either by the saffron party or others supported by it.

The Election Commission has set up a secure facility for disseminating trends and results through its new website http://eciresults.nic.in.

Ordinary Pakistanis love Indians and crave for peace with India

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by Sruthijit KK

Why are Indians on social media so hateful towards Pakistanis? I try to talk with them because I’m so fond of India.

The first-time Indian visitor to Pakistan is more likely to be struck by our similarities than differences. The dusty plains of rural Punjab are the same on both sides, complete with crop burning. Lahore looks no different from any major north Indian city. The old city, with its maze of by-lanes, motorcyclists grazing your elbow and little children narrowly avoiding falling into drains, will instantly remind you of Lucknow or Chandni Chowk. In nursing internecine jealousies — Lahore people think of Karachi as a city with little space and too much petty crime, while Karachi folks think Lahore doesn’t do food well — they aren’t unlike us, either.

This correspondent was part of a group of Indian journalists invited by the government of Pakistan to cover the opening of the Kartarpur pilgrimage corridor. The security detail was significant. Our Lahore hotel, located on MM Alam Road — named after a fighter pilot and hero of the 1965 war with India — was swarming with security personnel. Vehicles with armed men and blazing sirens escorted our bus. Unless you are used to it, this kind of security can be a bit unnerving. It can feel like attention is being drawn to you, the swirl of red and blue lights marking you out as a target.

Pakistan does security a little differently from India. Not for them the commandos in safari suits or plainclothes. It’s all assault weapons, aviators and army fatigue. The idea is to secure, but also to dissuade with the display of force. When you drive through the cities, the horrors of the past come alive. As we pulled into the Islamabad Marriot, which was bombed in 2009, a fellow journalist who was posted in the city at the time, reminisced about how the explosion had blown away all the trees on that street. Driving around Lahore, a friend pointed out the spot near the Gaddafi stadium where the bus carrying the Sri Lankan cricket team was attacked, also in 2009. Between all the visible security, the passing landmarks of terror and the somewhat serious-looking men hanging about that you suspect are intelligence operatives, you are periodically reminded that while everything seems absolutely normal and well, you are indeed in one of the world’s most dangerous countries.

Hardliners in Politics

The big domestic news of the week we were visiting was the crackdown on Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) and its chief Khadim Hussain Rizvi, a preacher of the Barelvi sect who has attracted a massive following in recent years campaigning in favour of the country’s Blasphemy Law.

TLP enjoys massive street support and is able to bring entire cities to a standstill with its protests, sitins and street violence. But Pakistanis who happily come out on to the streets to support the call of some preacher or another don’t seem to like voting for them very much. Overall, the vote share of the religious-political parties declined in this year’s general election. Parties thought to have links with militant groups — the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jammat and Hafeez Sayeed’s Allah-o-Akbar Tehreek — failed to make a dent electorally. Rizvi’s TLP won only two seats despite fielding more than 150 candidates. But it has become Pakistan’s fifth largest party in vote share, within two years of founding.

Imran Khan has now slapped the preacher with charges of sedition and terrorism.

‘Why Do You Hate Us?’

It’s a bit of a cliché by now that Indian visitors to Pakistan experience great hospitality, discounts in shops and the warmth of ordinary Pakistanis. Every bit of this remains true and every Pakistani I spoke with said they longed for peace with India. But thanks to social media, some things might be changing.

At the lobby of the Marriot Hotel in Islamabad, I meet a group of three friends — fashion designer Mian Nauman and his friends Shabeeh Zehra and Neelum Nawaz.

All three had India connections. Nauman’s mother was born in Ludhiana. Zehra’s great grandmother was born in Delhi and married a Hindu. At the time of partition, the husband stayed back, and her great grandmother’s family moved to Pakistan, along with her and an infant child. Nawaz is a major Bollywood fan.

We discuss Imran Khan, local politics and India. Nauman says Khan is the first politician in a long time he is able to relate with. “I could not even understand Nawaz Sharif’s speeches. Imran speaks like regular people. He’s not a politician. And may be that’s a great thing,” he says.

When I try to ask Zehra a question, she asks gently if she could ask me a question first. “Why are Indians on social media so hateful towards Pakistanis? I try to talk with them because I’m so fond of India–my roots are from there. But they become so abusive when they know I’m from Pakistan,” she says, looking genuinely pained. I don’t have a good answer.

The group is joined by the person they were waiting for — an older, impeccably dressed lady named Ayesha Shamsi. When I introduce myself, she says she lived in Delhi for three years. How come? “Oh because my husband woke up one morning and decided he was gonna take a job as the ambassador to India,” she said, laughing. Her husband Saeed Mohammad al Shamsi is an emirati lawyer and diplomat who served as UAE’s ambassador to India between 2001 and 2004. She said she loved every moment of living in India and desired very deeply to see peace between the two nations.

In Lahore’s Gulberg II neighbourhood, I stop at a small shop to recharge my phone. I ask the small group inside and the shopkeeper what they thought of Imran Khan’s statement that there should be peace between India and Pakistan. After some murmurs, the group seemed to nominate the shopkeeper, Imran Niazi, to speak for them.

Niazi turns out to be something of a hardliner for peace between the two countries. “There should be no border. We are the same people,” he says, speaking eloquently about how great it would be for both countries should there be peace. But, he says, these days Muslims are being treated very badly in India. We watch those videos on Whatsapp. And that’s very unfortunate. But he also watched another video, he says, of people in India being offered money to burn the Pakistani flag. “One or two people did it, but you know, most people said no matter how much money you offer, we won’t burn the flag. That was really nice.”

Article first published on EconomicTimes.

Sruthijit KK is a former editor of HuffingtonPost India.

رائے : سعودی کی ترقی سے نفرت و حسد کی وجہ

صفی الرحمن ابن مسلم فیضی بندوی

انہیں سعودی کی ترقی سے نفرت و حسد ہے ، دلیل ; اچھی خبر پہ خاموشی اور اگر کچھ شیطانی میڈیا بری خبر  اڑا دے تو یہ بھی انہیں کی طرح  لے اڑتے ہیں ۔

سعودی عرب محمدی مشن کی طرف  رواں دواں

کچھ رضاخانی اور رافضی نما اخوانی سعودی عرب کے تعلق سے اخبارات اور شوشل میڈیا پہ بے بنیاد الزامات اور توحید دشمن ملک بتا کر لوگوں کے درمیان غلط شبیہ پیش کرنے کی ناکام کوشش کر رہے ہیں ، جیسے چور چوری کرکے خود ہی چور چور  چلاتا کہتا ہوا بھاگتا ہے کہ لوگ یہ نہ سمجھیں کہ وہی چور ہے ، اسی طرح یہ توحید اور  مملکة توحید سے بغض رکھنے والے ، ان بے بنیاد خبروں کے ذریعہ لوگوں میں  یہ بھرم  ڈالنا چاہتے ہیں ،کہ سعودی عیاش اور توحید دشمن ہیں ، یعنی سعودی آٸیزیشن کے ذریعہ جب سعودیوں کو  کام پہ لگایا جا رہا ہے ، تاکہ بیکاری سے  بچا کر ترقی کی راہ  پہ لگایا جاٸے  ، اور اس کے نتیجے میں کچھ بوڑھے غیر ملکیوں  کو ان کے اھل و عیال میں بھیجا جا رہا ہے ، تو اس چڑھ میں سعودی عرب پہ عیاشی کا لیبل لگا کر غلط تصویر پیش کر کے اپنی دشمنی کی آگ کو ٹھنڈا کر رہے ہیں ، قبروں ، درگاہوں کی خاک چھاننے والے ، ان پر رکوع و سجود میں گرنے والے ، ان سے استغاثہ و استعانت طلب کرنے والے ، مردوں سے وسیلہ طلب کرنے والے ،خمینی کا برتھ ڈے منانے والے ، سعودی عرب جو ان کی سخت مذمت کرتا ہے اور یہاں کے علما ٕ کے سب سے زیادہ  لکچرز  توحید کی اہمیت اور شرک کی مذمت پہ ہو تے ہیں   تو انھیں یہ توحید دشمنی دیکھاٸی دیتی ہے ، کیونکہ یہ ان کے شرکیہ اعمال سے بغاوت ہے ، ان کے شرک سے لوگ توبہ کرکے توحید کی راہ اختیار کر رہے ہیں ، ان کے گھورکھ دھندے جو اسلام کے نام پہ چل رہے تھے مندے پڑ رہے ہیں ، نذر و نیاز کے نام پہ جو عوام کو لوٹتے تھے ،  سعودی عرب سے جب توحید لے کر آتے  ہیں ،تو  ان کی  شرک کی دکانوں پہ تالا لگادیتے ہیں ، تو یہ انھیں توحید کا دشمن کہتے ہیں ۔

اور کچھ اخوانی بیچارے بڑے پیارے انداز سے  کہتے ہیں ، ہمیں سعودیہ سے محبت ہے  اس لٸے ہم تنقید کرتے ہیں ، واہ جناب! کیا میل ہے محبت اور تنقید کا ، اصلاً

انہیں سعودی کی ترقی سے نفرت و حسد ہے ، دلیل ; اچھی خبر پہ خاموشی اور اگر کچھ شیطانی میڈیا بری خبر  اڑا دے تو یہ بھی انہیں کی طرح  لے اڑتے ہیں ۔

ابھی حال ہی میں شاہ سلمان بن عبد العزیز کے فرمان پر حکومت نے  خلائی تحقیقات اور امن مقاصد کے لیے سائنس کے شعبے میں  تحقیقات کرنے کا معاہدہ طے کیا ہے۔

تدریسی امارت کو بڑھانے کیلٸے ابھی چند روز قبل 4 کروڑ سعودی ریال مختص کیا گیا جس میں 120 مدارس کی تعمیر کی جاٸے گی ۔ وغیرہ

ان تمام ترقیاتی خبروں کو چھپاکر سعودی شبیہ کو خراب کر نا اپنا  مسلکی فریضہ سمجھتے ہیں ۔

مگر الحمد للہ اس کا  اثر مخلصین پر بالکل نہیں پڑتا ۔

ہماری دعا ہے  یا الٰہ العلمین سعودی حکومت محمدی مشن کیطرف  ہمیشہ رواں دواں رہے اور اللہ کی مدد ان کے شامل حال رہے ۔ آمین

Hyderabadi Urdu — it’s past and present

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Dakhani, the language of Hyderabad, is one that’s unique in the world for being truly secular in nature. Why? Because perhaps no other vernacular represents such an interesting fusion of languages — Arabic, Farsi, Turkish, Telugu, Marathi, and Hindi/Urdu. After all, it’s only fitting that a city that’s considered a melting pot of so many cultures, speaks a language that’s so eclectic and colourful.

A Look at the History of Dakhani

The Indo-Islamic fusion incorporated by the language had the patronage of the ancient rulers of Hyderabad, the Qutub Shahis. It is during their rule, a large number of Indian consonants and vowels were introduced to accommodate speakers of different languages. The introduction of Indian words and phrases, helped Dakhani evolve as a link between various languages, uniting the speakers on a common platform.

According to historians, the Dakhani language developed in the northern parts of India alongside Urdu, which is a Persianised standard register of the Hindustani language. In the 14th century, when the language travelled to the Deccan plateau, it gradually matured into a unique dialect with diverse regional infusions.

Though Dakhani is Deccan’s Islamic-era culture that is pre-Mughal, the language exists even today in several parts of western and southern India. Besides Hyderabad, which is the epicentre of Dakhani culture, traces of the language are still found in Karnataka, Tamilnadu, Kerala, and the Marathwada regions of the Deccan plateau, such as Aurangabad, Pune, and Nagpur.

Amazing Facts About the ‘Hyderabadi’ Language

Over the years, Hyderabad has witnessed a merging of Hindu, Muslim, Andhra, and Telangana cultures. Evidently, the language of Hyderabad is a mix of Telugu, Hindi, and Urdu, having its own sounds and tones. The Telugu spoken in Hyderabad has many Urdu words in it, and similarly, the Urdu spoken here is also distinct, with influences of Marathi, Telugu, and Hindi.

The merger of various languages has given birth to Hyderabad’s own dialect — the Hyderabadi Hindi/Urdu. The unique language of Hyderabad, nonchalant in manner, is a linguistic representation of the cool and unhurried nature of the city and its people. Today, the unforgiving pace of modern day life has not spared most of the Hyderabadis, but their dialect still retains the casually calm and relaxed flavour.

Don’t be amazed if you see a Hyderabadi starting a conversation in Telugu, switching over to Hindi/Urdu, and then, peppering it up with some Marathi or English words while being completely understandable. Since many of the Hyderabadis have relatives abroad, English has found a way into the Dakhani lingo. However, the usage of English in Hyderabad can be pretty misleading. For example, if you hear a local saying – “Aisey advance kamaan nakko karo” – it actually means, “Don’t act smart”!

One thing that is particularly interesting about the Hyderabadi vocabulary is the concept of singular and plural. Here, the use of ‘s’ suffix in English, or the ‘o’ suffix in Hindi, to make a word plural, is not applicable. For instance, ‘yaaron’ or ‘friends’ can be applied to both singular and plural. In some cases, the traditional ‘s’ and ‘o’ suffix for plural words are replaced by ‘aan’, such as logaan (people), or bottlaan (bottles).

Some Interesting Hyderabadi Terminologies

The Hindi word ‘Chahiye’ (want), in Dakhani dialect, is ‘Hona’, which is profusely used in all sorts of Hyderabadi conversations. Chances are, you might be bluntly addressed with “Kya Hona?” in a Hyderabadi store, as in, “Kya Chahiye”, or “What do you want?”

A simple ‘Haan’ or ‘Naa’, meaning ‘Yes’ or a ‘No’, is expressed as ‘Hau’ or a ‘Nakko’ with a typical Hyderabadi accent. Also, asking a question in Dakhani is not as simple as saying ‘Kyun?’ or ‘Why?’. The correct terminology is ‘Kaiku?’

That said, if you are planning to visit Hyderabad, here’s list of words and phrases you should include in your survival kit during your stay in the city:

Hau – Yes

Nakko – No

Mereku – Me

Tereku – You

Hallu Chalo – Go Slow

Kya Hona? – What do you want?

Lite Lo Yaaron – Take it easy

Uno Kya Kathe – What did he say?

Khali Peeli — Simply

Haula – Fool

Seedha Jayo Ekich Road Hai – Go straight, this is the road.

The historic and charming Hyderabad is one of the most prestigious metro cities in India today. Once the city of Nizams, it is now a promising business destination for top multinational companies. Though the dominance of corporate culture is evident all around the city, its influence hasn’t eroded the richness of the language of Hyderabad, its century-old ethos, humour, and absurdity, cherished by people from all walks of life.

Article first appeared on NKRealtors.

Surgical Strikes were Politicized and Over-hyped, says Retired Indian Army General Hooda

Retired Lieutenant General DS Hooda, who was the Northern Army Commander in September 2016 when Indian troops carried out “surgical strikes” on terror launch pads across the Line of Control, on Friday said the strikes were over-hyped, reported ANI.

On September 29, 2016, the Indian Army claimed to have carried out “surgical strikes on terror launchpads” across the Line of Control to neutralise alleged infiltrators the previous night. The strikes followed an attack on an Army base Jammu and Kashmir’s Uri, in which 17 Indian soldiers were killed.

Hooda was moderating a discussion on “Role of Cross-Border Operations and Surgical Strikes” at the Military Literature Festival in Chandigarh. “Did the overhype help? I say, completely no,” The Indian Express quoted him as saying. “If you start having political resonance in military operations, it is not good. There was too much political banter, on both sides, and when military operations get politicised, that is not good.”

Hooda told ANI that the strikes were important and that the Army “had to do it”. “Now how much should it have been politicised, whether it was right or wrong is something that should be asked to the politicians,” he said.

Hooda said there were accusations that the surgical strikes had been politicised and that there was an “attempt to keep a purely military operation in the political domain by selective leaks of videos, photographs etc”.

Responding to a question from the audience, Hooda said in hindsight, it would have been better if the surgical strikes were carried out secretly, reported Hindustan Times. “The aim of any such offensive had to be not only tactical but strategic too, which substantially hampers enemy morale,” he said.

Hooda also said the aim of the surgical strikes could not have been achieved through artillery fire. “We had had massive artillery duels but it was not helping,” he said, adding that the planning for the strikes had been made in advance. “Should it have been publicised? There was no option,” he said, according to The Indian Express. “Too many questions were being asked. The media and our own Army soldiers were asking, ‘What are we doing about so many deaths of soldiers?’”

When asked about Hooda’s remarks, Army chief Bipin Rawat told ANI: “These are an individual person’s perceptions so let’s not comment on them. He [Hooda] was one of the main persons involved in conduct of these operations so I respect his words very much.”

Congress President Rahul Gandhi criticised Prime Minister Narendra Modi after Hooda’s remarks. In a tweet, he said “Mr 36” – a reference to Modi – had “absolutely no shame in using our military as a personal asset”. “Spoken like a true soldier General. India is so proud of you,” Gandhi wrote. “[Modi] used the surgical strikes for political capital and the Rafale deal to increase Anil Ambani’s real capital by [Rs30,000 crore].”

Two “Made in Saudi Arabia” satellites launch into space

Riyadh – Saudi Arabia has launched its own homemade two satellites on Friday morning for aerial surveying.

Saudi scientists and researchers at King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology (KACST) developed the two earth-observation satellites, known as Sat 5a and Sat 5b.

Sat 5a and Sat 5b have joined the second generation Saudi Arabia’s high-accuracy remote-sensing satellites.

The primary purpose of the satellites will be to be provide high-resolution images of the earth’s surface from low earth orbits, which will help Saudi Government to monitor movements and changes on the earth’s surface for urban development purposes.

Till date, KACST has launched over 13 satellites, which are solely “made in Saudi Arabia”, in order to boost the local technological developments and empower Saudi scientists and researchers, in line with Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030.

“Muslims in a non-Muslim Country should Vote”, says Makkah-based Islamic Fiqh Council

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It is permissible for a Muslim who enjoys the rights of citizenship in a non-Muslim country to take part in elections and the like because it is more likely that his participation will bring benefits such as presenting a true picture of Islam, defending Muslim issues in that country.

The issue of voting, elections and democracy has always been under debate in the Muslim community, with one side quoting scholars discouraging Muslims to take part in elections as it involves, mud-slinging, abusing, slandering and manifestation of evil human behaviors.

However, the other side calls it obligatory where Muslims live under non-Muslim governments and their legislative policies, and their representation in the parliaments matter a lot.

Bamboozled and foolish Individuals in the past and present have confused the Muslim community with – “Voting is Haraam” – notion. The notion was refuted by the subject matter experts at ‘The Islamic Fiqh Council’ of Makkah–Saudi Arabia in its 19th Session held in its headquarters of the Muslim World League between 22 and 27 Shawwaal 1428 AH that is 3rd to 8th November 2007.

The issue of elections was pushed under the subject of Ijtihaad – individual mental reasoning by Islamic Jurists – where they weighed up the interests and benefits what the Muslims may attain from their participation in elections and the harm that may result from it.

They felt, that if the benefits outweigh the harms, then it is permissible to take part, but if the harms outweigh the benefits, then it is not permissible to take part.

The ruling differs depending on the country, the system of voting and the people involved. Taking part may be beneficial to the Muslims in one country, and not in another. The same applies to individuals.

The Council finally came up with the following recommendation:

Muslim participation in elections with non-Muslims in a non-Muslim country is one of the shar’i political matters in which the ruling is determined in the light of weighing up the pros and cons, and fatwas concerning it differ according to time, place and circumstances.

It is permissible for a Muslim who enjoys the rights of citizenship in a non-Muslim country to take part in elections and the like because it is more likely that his participation will bring benefits such as presenting a true picture of Islam, defending Muslim issues in that country, supporting the rights of religious and other minorities, strengthening their role in circles of influence, and cooperating with reasonable, fair-minded people on a basis of truth and justice. That should be in accordance with the following guidelines:

The Muslim participants should intend thereby to serve the interests of the Muslims and ward off evil and harm from them.

The Muslim participants should think it most likely that their participation will have positive effects that will benefit the Muslims in that country, such as supporting their position, conveying their requests to the decision makers and those who are in charge of the country, and protecting their religious and worldly interests.

The Muslim’s participation in these elections should not lead to him neglecting his religious duties.

Based on the above research extensively made after days of discussions, dialogues, and profound study – the conclusion is – it is obligatory for Muslims to participate in elections to elect their representatives who voice their concerns and issues in order to protect the rights of Muslims in the non-Muslim societies.

There is no evidence of Temple under Babri Masjid, ASI lied to Indians: Archeologists

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By Betwa Sharma

There are actually older mosques under the Babri Masjid, says Supriya Varma who, along with Jaya Menon, has challenged the ASI’s findings for years.

In August 2003, following a six-month-long excavation, the Archeological Survey of India (ASI) informed the Allahabad High Court that it had found evidence of there being a temple under the Babri Masjid, the 16-century mosque demolished by kar sevaks on 6 December 1992.

Two archeologists, Supriya Varma and Jaya Menon, accused the ASI of having preconceived notions ahead of the dig, and violating ethical codes and procedures during the excavation. Varma, professor of archeology at Jawaharlal Nehru University, and Menon, who heads the history department at Shiv Nadar University, told the court that the excavation did not find anything that supported ASI’s conclusion. In 2010, they published a paper in the Economic and Political Weekly, challenging the methods used in collecting evidence and its interpretation.

The archeologists, who were observers during the excavation on behalf of the Sunni Waqf Board, a party to the tile suit in the Ayodhya dispute, say the ASI, then under the Bharatiya Janata Party-led (BJP-led) National Democratic Alliance government, was under pressure to reinforce the Hindu right-wing narrative that Mughal emperor Babur’s general Mir Baqi knocked down a temple to build a mosque on the spot where Hindu god Ram was born.

Ahead of the 26th anniversary of the Babri Masjid’s demolition, Varma spoke to HuffPost India about the three key pieces of evidence found in 2003, why she thinks the ASI felt compelled to fabricate its conclusion, and procedural lapses during the excavation led by B.R. Mani, who was later replaced on an order by the Allahabad High Court. In 2016, the Modi government appointed Mani as the Director General of the National Museum.

Is there any archeological evidence that the Babri Masjid was built over a temple devoted to Ram?

No, there is nothing. Even today, there is no archeological evidence that there was a temple under the Babri Masjid.

What is the evidence on the basis of which the ASI is saying there was a temple?

There are three things. What the ASI has excavated is not evidence there was a temple underneath the mosque. One is this western wall, the second are these 50 pillar bases and third are architectural fragments. The western wall is a feature of a mosque. It is a wall in front of which you say namaaz. It is not the feature of a temple. Temple has a very different plan. Underneath the Babri Masjid, there are actually older mosques.

Now, as far as these pillar bases are concerned, these are completely fabricated and we filed many complaints to the court about it. Our argument is that if you look at what they are claiming to be pillar bases, these are pieces of broken bricks and they have mud inside them. There is no way a pillar can even stand on it, it is so unstable. It’s a completely political issue. They wanted that report to say there are pillar bases and it said there are pillar bases.

Underneath the Babri Masjid, there are actually older mosques.

What about the architectural fragments?

The third piece of evidence is these architectural fragments. They say there are some 400-500 fragments, which are pieces of architectural buildings. Of these, they say 12 are the most important. Of these 12, none of these were found during the excavation. These were recovered from the debris lying above the lime floor of the masjid. There is this one particular sculpture, which is closest to some kind of image, which they called a ‘divine couple.’ But even that is just one man and a woman and is half-broken. There is nothing else. A temple, a stone temple—supposedly this is a stone temple—has much more sculptured material than what they have found.

There is no archeological evidence that there was a temple under the Babri Masjid.

Can this sculpture not be dated?

The stone cannot be dated. What you date in archeology is the deposit, the layer in which the particular artefact has been found. In that also, you can date organic material. So, for example, a bone or a shell or charcoal. The ASI have got some dates. But this sculptured piece has not even come from a stratified deposit.

It could have come from anywhere?

It could have come from anywhere. There is no way of dating it. In other words, there is no evidence for a temple.

Can you date the pillar bases?

You can date those floor levels. They clearly belong, in my opinion, to the period from the 12th to the 15th century at different levels.

Does the ASI date the temple it claims was under the mosque?

No. They don’t say that. They just say there was a temple underneath. That’s all. They give it no precise date.

Doesn’t the report say the temple is from the 10th century?

On the one hand, they are claiming a massive temple with more than 50 pillar bases, but they are also saying that there is a circular shrine under these pillar bases, which is much smaller in size, about three to four meters in diameter, which they claim belong to the 10 century. But I have examined walls next to the circular structure, and the information mentioned in the site notebook of that particular trench, which mentions these walls belong to the Gupta period. And that is why this circular structure would also belong to the Gupta period around 4th-6th century AD.

How many excavations have there been in Ayodhya?

There is Alexander Cunningham who is the first Director General of the ASI, who, in 1861-62, does some kind of survey around Ayodhya region, and he mentions three mounds. And of these three mounds, two have some kind of Buddhist Stupa and one of them has a Vihara. He also said that there are oral traditions that say that three temples were destroyed, but in his account, there is no mention of a temple being destroyed on the site of the Babri Masjid.

That is the first time that archeologically some kind of survey had been carried out. Now, in terms of excavations, the story begins in 1969-70. The first excavation is carried out by the Department of Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University. They did not really conduct the excavations close to the Babri Masjid, but in the near vicinity. The only report that we have is in what we call IARs, which is the Indian Archeology Review published by the ASI, every year. It is not a very detailed report. There is a one-page description of what they found. They say it looks like it was inhabited in what we call the early historic period, which is about 6th century BC to 6th century AD. And they say that there is some medieval occupation, but they don’t really get into the details. That’s the end. Then, what happens is from about 1975 to about 1980, there is a project by B.B. Lal.

Who is B.B. Lal?

BB Lal was also the director general of ASI and he took early retirement in 1972 and joined the Archeology Department of the Jiwaji University in Gwalior. And from there he went as a fellow to the Institute of Advanced Studies in Shimla. And he came up with this project on the archeology of Ramayana. He also had a project on the archeology of Mahabharata. As part of the archeology of Ramayana, he excavated Ayodhya and a couple of other sites, which have been mentioned in Ramayana. He carried out excavations for a period of five years but a report is only available for two years in the IAR. He pretty much substantiates what is mentioned by the BHU. That there are occupations in the early historic period and there is some sign of desertion and you also find some floors from the medieval period. That’s all there is.

Then it is only in 1988, by which time the VHP has picked up this whole issue of temples having been demolished at three sites—Ayodhya, Mathura and Varanasi—and in 1988, B.B. Lal takes a photograph of pillar bases, which he says was taken and excavated at Ayodhya between 1975 and 1978, and publishes it in Manthan, which is the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) journal. He also presented the photograph at the World Archeological Congress in Croatia, saying that if excavations are to be carried then they will find evidence of a temple.

What does the photograph show?

The photographs are what he calls pillar bases, which are pieces of bricks put together in a half-squarish, half rectangular, half circular forms. There are three pillar bases that he marks out in that photograph.

Where does he find the pillar bases?

This excavation was carried out near the wall of the Babri Masjid.

What happened after Lal’s photo?

Then, the BJP picks up the Ayodhya movement and it becomes a political movement. In 1992, the mosque is demolished and they have paved the way for excavations. The title suit, that case of who owns the land, is carrying on in the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court. Once NDA comes to power, which is in 1999, the court orders that now possibly we should excavate. In 2002, they would order the ASI, the government body, to carry out a Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) survey. Certain signals are sent through a machine and if there are structures underneath the mound then it bounces back. On the basis of that report, the court ordered excavation be carried out. In March 2003, the excavations began and they ended in August. Then, they submitted the report.

How did you get involved?

Once the excavations began, there were a lot of apprehensions because the ASI comes directly under the Ministry of Culture. And also, because archeology as a discipline is fairly technical. At that point, the Sunni Waqf Board people thought that they should have an archaeologist who would be present and point out in case there are any procedures that are not followed the way it should be in terms of methods and recording. They contacted Irfan Habib, who is a professor of medieval history at Aligarh Muslim University, and he contacted us.

I, and I think I can speak for my colleague Jaya Menon, we were both quite keen. We both wanted to know what exists under the mosque. It is not as though we had any kind of bias either way. We went with an open mind. For us, it was an academic issue. We knew that we probably would never be able to get the chance unless we go there ourselves. It was at the cost of our professional careers as well. As an archaeologist, if I have to excavate any site, I have to get permission from ASI. So, if you antagonise the ASI, chances are that you are not going to get a permit, and that is why very few archaeologists were willing to even go.

You went as observers because the Sunni Waqf Board were petitioners in the title suit?

Just to note whether correct procedures were being followed or not. The NDA was in power. There was fear that the data would be manipulated. There was even fear that outside material would be planted over there. In fact, some of us also thought they would try and do it if they don’t find evidence for a temple. They might bring material from outside, some idol, some image, and put it there.

There was fear that the data would be manipulated. There was even fear that outside material would be planted over there.

Did you face any kind of backlash?

We were lucky that they lost the elections, and we went on to excavate two sites (not connected to the Ayodhya dispute). Today, if I apply, I’m not certain whether I will get permission.

What does the ASI say in the report?

If you read the entire report, there is no mention of any temple. It is a standard report. You have a chapter on the trenches, you have a chapter of chronology, you have a chapter on different structures, you have a chapter on pottery. What is missing is a chapter on bones and human skeletal remains. That is what they also found but they never published it.

What you will also find is that the names of the people who wrote those chapters is mentioned. But in the conclusion, there is no name mentioned. And in the conclusion, in the last paragraph of the report, they say that given the evidence of this western wall, and pillar bases, and some architectural fragments, there was a temple underneath the Babri Masjid. It is literally written in three lines. Otherwise, nowhere in the discussion, is there any talk of a temple being found. With the same evidence, we have interpreted that there were actually two or three phases of smaller mosques underneath the Babri Masjid.

With the same evidence, we have interpreted that there were actually two or three phases of smaller mosques underneath the Babri Masjid.

In your expert opinion, as of today, there was no temple under the Babri Masjid? What was under it?

There was no temple under the Babri Masjid. What there was, if you go beyond the 12th century and you come down to the levels of the 4th to 6th century, i.e. the Gupta period, there seems to be a Buddhist stupa. So, there was Buddhist occupation here, and that is something even Alexander Cunningham has said. Outside the Babri Masjid, there are several other archeological mounds which seem to be sites of Buddhist stupas as well as monasteries. There was clearly a Buddhist community here, in the period, roughly from the 2nd century BC to 6th century AD. To us, it looks like this was then abandoned and reoccupied sometime around the 11th-12th century and possibly because there was a Muslim settlement that came up. And they had a small mosque, which was expanded as the community increased, in size and finally a much larger mosque was built by Babar in 1528.

So, there is no evidence of this narrative that Babar’s general Mir Baqi knocked down a temple to build a mosque?

There is no evidence but there is oral tradition that starts coming up in the late 19th century and it is recorded in a colonial period gazetteer. Even when Alexander Cunningham, he goes in 1861-62, he is traveling around and he does record oral traditions. He does not mention a temple being underneath the Babri Masjid. He talks about three temples, there is oral tradition of three temples being destroyed, but these are not underneath the Babri Masjid. They are some other temples in Ayodhya.

What impact did the report have on the title suit?

The bench comprised of three judges, two Hindus and one Muslim. The Muslim judge, S.U. Khan, clearly did not go into the archeological evidence. There was a strong viewpoint that this is a title suit and it does not matter who lived here before the present occupants. It is immaterial. And many of us also felt that they should have never dragged in history and archeology into a title suit. They should have just gone by what was the status when the first suit was filed in 1950. But the other two judges, D.V. Sharma and Sudhir Agarwal, much more Sudhir Agarwal, he did say that the ASI is saying a temple was there under the mosque and therefore we have to accept what the ASI is saying because they are the experts.

A generic temple?

Yes. Some generic temple. They don’t get into whether it was a Ram Temple and they don’t date it.

In the EPW report, you write about being concerned about certain procedures?

Yes. They are claiming that this is the site of Ram Temple, which is a Vaishnav temple, where generally, you would not expect to find any bones because of this vegetarianism etcetera, but when they started excavating, they started finding a lot of bones, animal bones. How do you explain finding animal bones in a Vaishnav temple? They clearly did not want that recorded. So, we noticed that the labour they had hired were just throwing the bones away. The other thing they were also doing, there is a certain pottery, ceramic type, which is known as glazed ware, which is generally associated with Muslim communities. They were finding a lot of this glazed ware. Those again were being thrown. So, we made a complaint, and they had to be recorded. You would not expect glazed ware in a Vaishnav temple. Procedurally, there was violation of an ethical code.

Procedurally, there was violation of an ethical code.

Did the ASI date the bones?

No, they did not.

Would it help to have a foreign team of archaeologists excavate the site?

As far as foreign archeologists are concerned, they know it is a political issue and they would not want to get entangled in it. If they wish to do any other archeological work in India, they would not want that to be jeopardised. And it is a political issue, it is clear to everyone.

Isn’t six months very short for this kind of excavation?

As far as the ASI, and the archeologists of the ASI are concerned, they really are now no longer considered to have any kind of expertise. They haven’t kept up to date with the latest methods, the recent theoretical developments, and they really just see it as more as an administrative job than as an academic discipline.

Article first published on HuffingtonPost.

Betwa Sharma is a Political Editor for HufftingtonPost India.