These examples suggest that women’s leadership was neither alien nor unacceptable in early Islamic practice.

The discourse surrounding women’s leadership in Islam is complex and deeply contested. Recently a female leader from Jamaat-e-Islami cited a Qur’anic verse to argue that Islam prohibits women from holding leadership roles. The verse quoted was “Men are qawwamun over women” (Surah An-Nisa 4:34).

A closer textual and historical reading however reveals that this verse was revealed in a specific domestic context. Classical interpretations indicate that it addressed household responsibility and accountability during a marital dispute rather than questions of political authority or governance. The emphasis of the verse lies on responsibility not dominance.

If the verse had intended to establish a permanent hierarchy between men and women the Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him would not have considered punitive action against a husband accused of wrongdoing.

This context makes it clear that the verse cannot be used as a blanket prohibition against women’s leadership.

Islamic history further complicates the claim of prohibition. The Qur’an does not condemn the rule of Queen Bilqis of Sheba. Instead, her wisdom and consultative leadership are presented positively.

Shifa bint Abdullah was entrusted with administrative authority in Madinah. Aisha may God be pleased with her was a leading authority in hadith jurisprudence and political understanding.

Khadijah may God be pleased with her was economically independent and decisive in commercial affairs.

These examples suggest that women’s leadership was neither alien nor unacceptable in early Islamic practice.

The Qur’an states that women have rights similar to the obligations upon them. It also describes believing men and women as allies of one another. Such language implies partnership and shared responsibility rather than fixed subordination.

The modern political implications are equally significant. If women’s leadership were truly forbidden then women occupying spokesperson or organizational roles within political parties would themselves be violating that principle. This contradiction becomes even more pronounced when parties operate within legal frameworks that mandate women’s representation.

Ultimately the debate over women’s leadership in Islam is less about clear textual prohibition and more about selective interpretation. A balanced reading of the Qur’an Islamic history and contemporary realities suggests that women’s leadership is not inherently incompatible with Islamic principles.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Constitutional framework in India provides Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often unavailable in Islamist state

In the contemporary discourse on women’s rights within Muslim-majority societies, a significant contrast emerges between the experiences of Muslim women in India and those in several Islamist states such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, and others.

While challenges persist in India, the legal framework and constitutional guarantees provide Indian Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often inaccessible to their counterparts in more theocratic regimes.

Legal Protections and Constitutional Guarantees

India’s secular constitution enshrines fundamental rights that apply uniformly to all citizens, irrespective of religion. Articles 14 (Right to Equality), 15 (Prohibition of Discrimination), and 21 (Protection of Life and Personal Liberty) form the bedrock of these protections.

For instance, the landmark judgment in the Shayara Bano case led the Supreme Court to declare the practice of instant triple talaq unconstitutional, recognizing it as a violation of the constitutional guarantee of equality. Indeed Quran does not endorse instant triple talaq, which was unIslamically followed in India.

Furthermore, the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019, criminalizes the practice of instant triple talaq, providing Muslim women with legal recourse and protection against arbitrary divorce. This legislative action underscores India’s commitment to upholding the rights of Muslim women within its constitutional framework.

In contrast, many Islamist states impose legal systems that often restrict women’s rights. In Afghanistan, under Taliban rule, women face severe limitations on their mobility, education, and employment. The Taliban’s return to power has led to the re-imposition of strict interpretations of Sharia law based on strict Hanafi-Deobandi interpretation of Islam, effectively erasing many of the gains women had made in the preceding two decades.

Access to Education and Employment

Education is a fundamental right in India, and Muslim women have access to educational institutions across the country.

Initiatives like the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao scheme aim to promote the education of girls, including those from minority communities. Additionally, various state governments have implemented programs to provide scholarships and financial assistance to Muslim women pursuing higher education.

Employment opportunities for Muslim women in India, though varied, are supported by affirmative action policies and reservations in public sector jobs. The Indian government’s focus on skill development and entrepreneurship has also opened avenues for Muslim women to engage in the workforce and contribute economically.

In stark contrast, in countries like Iran and Afghanistan, women face systemic barriers to education and employment.

In Iran, despite a high literacy rate among women, many fields of study and professions remain closed to them due to restrictive laws and societal norms. Similarly, in Afghanistan, the Taliban’s policies have led to the closure of girls’ schools and the prohibition of women from working in most sectors, severely limiting their opportunities for personal and professional growth.

Autonomy in Personal Matters

The Indian legal system recognizes the autonomy of Muslim women in personal matters, including marriage and divorce.

The Supreme Court’s intervention in the Shah Bano case led to the enactment of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, which ensures maintenance rights for divorced Muslim women during and after the iddat period.

Moreover, recent judicial decisions, such as the Telangana High Court’s ruling that khula (divorce initiated by the wife) must be processed through the courts rather than religious bodies, reinforce the principle of legal oversight in personal matters. This ensures that Muslim women have access to legal remedies and are not subject to arbitrary decisions by non-judicial authorities.

In contrast, in countries like Pakistan, while Islamic law provides for women’s rights in marriage and divorce, the application of these laws is often inconsistent and influenced by patriarchal interpretations.

Women’s access to justice in personal matters can be hindered by societal pressures and the dominance of informal religious councils over formal judicial systems.

Freedom of Expression and Political Participation

India’s democratic framework guarantees freedom of speech and political participation to all its citizens. Muslim women in India actively engage in political discourse, participate in elections, and advocate for their rights through various platforms.

Organizations like the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA) work towards reforming personal laws and promoting gender justice within the Muslim community.

The Indian media also plays a crucial role in highlighting issues related to Muslim women, providing them with a platform to voice their concerns and aspirations. This democratic space enables Muslim women to challenge discriminatory practices and seek reforms that align with their rights and dignity.

In contrast, in many Islamist states, freedom of expression is curtailed, and political participation is often limited for women.

In countries like Iran and Afghanistan, women face repression for expressing dissent or advocating for their rights. The lack of democratic institutions and the suppression of civil liberties create an environment where women’s voices are marginalized, and their participation in public life is restricted.

Looking Forward

While no society is free from challenges, the legal and constitutional framework in India provides Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often unavailable in Islamist states. The Indian model, with its secular constitution and commitment to human rights, offers a more inclusive environment for Muslim women to exercise their rights and contribute to society.

In contrast, the experiences of Muslim women in Islamist states highlight the importance of constitutional guarantees and legal protections in ensuring gender equality and personal freedom.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

The West does not need less Islam. It needs the right Islam — visible, unapologetic, and equipped to dismantle extremism from within.

One of the most insidious myths circulating in Europe and North America today is the notion that what the West needs is “less Islam.” It is a simplistic narrative pushed aggressively by Israeli information warfare and echoed by politicians eager for easy answers to complex challenges: if jihadism exists, then Islam itself must be the source. The conclusion is presented bluntly — fewer Muslims in Western societies equals greater safety.

This is a dangerous lie.

Such thinking does three things simultaneously. It shifts the blame for decades of reckless Western immigration policies onto ordinary Muslims. It ignores the reality that millions of Muslims in the West are well-integrated, law-abiding citizens. And most dangerously, it dehumanises entire populations — not only Palestinians, but Syrians, Iraqis, Afghans, and anyone who happens to share the same faith.

I have no sympathy for Islamism or Jihadism. On Al Arabiya and Alhurra, I have argued openly that movements like the Muslim Brotherhood should be banned in the West. Extremist organizations must face zero tolerance. On this, Europe could actually learn from the Arab Gulf. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have shown that it is possible to dismantle radical networks without demonizing Islam itself.

At a Muslim World League conference in Morocco last year, leading scholars reached a straightforward conclusion: Muslims who choose to live in the West must respect and obey the laws of their host countries.

When I met privately with Dr. Mohammad Al-Issa, Secretary General of the Muslim World League, his message was even sharper: Western governments should integrate Muslim communities more effectively, respect Islam as a religion — but also expel radicals and outlaw Jihadist movements.

This is why Israel’s framing is dishonest. The Muslim world is not ignoring extremism. On the contrary, it is confronting it directly. The real problem lies within Western legal systems that too often shield radicals under the banners of free speech and asylum, enabling Jihadists to exploit democratic loopholes.

The solution is not “less Islam.” The solution is better Islam. We need credible Muslim scholars to expose extremist ideology, deradicalisation programmes that use authentic Islam as the antidote, and laws that prevent radicals from exploiting freedoms to spread hate.

We must also confront another driver of extremism in Europe: Iran. In Sweden, Tehran bankrolls Kurdish gangs, spreads Hezbollah’s ideology through mosques, and fuels violence. This is not Islam — it is state-sponsored extremism. It should be treated as such: strip radicals of citizenship, dismantle their networks, and confront Iran directly.

There is already a Muslim roadmap for this struggle. In 2020, more than 1,300 Muslim leaders from 139 countries signed the Charter of Makkah. Its principles are unambiguous: diversity is part of God’s design, no religion should be judged by the crimes of extremists, freedom must coexist with law and order, and young people must be protected from the poisonous myth of a “clash of civilizations.”

The Muslim world has put forward a modern, rational vision. The only ones refusing to see it are those in the West who cling to the illusion that demonising Muslims will somehow make societies safer. It will not. Islamophobia weakens democracies, divides communities, and feeds radicalisation.

If we are serious about security, the path is clear: ban Jihadist Organisations, reform laws that shield extremists, work with mainstream Muslim scholars, and dismantle Iran’s toxic networks.

The West does not need less Islam. It needs the right Islam — visible, unapologetic, and equipped to dismantle extremism from within. That is how we win.

For the Coptic Christians, Islam’s early presence offered more than just respite—it provided dignity.

By the time Islam made its way into Egypt in the 7th century, the land of the Nile had already borne the weight of centuries of religious discord and political turbulence. Under the long shadow of the Byzantine Empire, Egypt was more than just a Christian province; it was a battleground of theological strife and imperial dominance.

Though both rulers and subjects were nominally Christian, a deep and painful schism divided them. The majority of Egypt’s native Christians—known as the Copts—rejected the conclusions of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 CE. This divergence in belief wasn’t a minor doctrinal dispute; it was a fundamental disagreement that cast the Copts as heretics in the eyes of Constantinople. Rather than engaging in dialogue or tolerance, the Byzantine response was persecution—systematic, brutal, and relentless.

Religious Repression Under Byzantine Rule

Tensions escalated sharply in the 7th century under the leadership of Cyrus of Alexandria, appointed both as Patriarch and imperial governor. Instead of being a spiritual shepherd, Cyrus became an enforcer of imperial orthodoxy. His mission was not unity, but conformity. And the price of non-conformity was steep.

Pope Benjamin I, a towering figure of the Coptic Church, was forced into hiding, evading capture for over a decade as Cyrus’s agents hunted him down. Monasteries were looted, sacred sites desecrated, and monks terrorized. Public worship under the Coptic rite became an act of resistance, and Coptic Christians were compelled to practice their faith in secret.

What began as theological enforcement morphed into state-sanctioned violence. Churches were confiscated or closed, and the spiritual life of an entire community was strangled. Ironically, in a land where both oppressor and oppressed were Christians, faith became a source of division, not unity.

Exhaustion and Hope: The Coptic Response to Muslim Entry

When Amr ibn al-As, one of Prophet Muhammad’s most trusted companions, led the Muslim army into Egypt in 639 CE, the reaction was not one of fierce resistance from the local population. Instead, many Egyptians, particularly the weary and persecuted Copts, saw a glimmer of hope.

This wasn’t about conversion or conquest. It was about survival.

The Muslim forces did not arrive with the intent of eradicating Christianity. In fact, quite the opposite occurred. The new rulers allowed the Copts to continue their religious practices, appoint their own patriarchs, and maintain a degree of autonomy in civil and religious matters. For a population worn thin by a century of religious tyranny, this was not just a policy change—it was a paradigm shift.

Historians such as Thomas Walker Arnold emphasize that early Islamic rule in Egypt was marked by a profound tolerance rarely seen in the religious politics of the time. No mass conversions were forced. No mass destruction of churches was carried out. The new rulers implemented the jizya tax—common to non-Muslims in Islamic governance—but in return offered protection, security, and religious freedom.

This approach shocked many who had only known imperial Christianity as synonymous with persecution.

A Strategic Coexistence Rooted in Justice

For the Muslim conquerors, this tolerance was not born out of weakness, but wisdom. The Islamic worldview emphasized justice (adl) and mercy (rahmah), and these values informed their governance. Islam’s emphasis on “no compulsion in religion” (Qur’an 2:256) wasn’t just recited—it was applied.

Amr ibn al-As is reported to have personally ensured the return of churches to the Coptic community and facilitated the reappearance of Pope Benjamin I from hiding. Such gestures were not merely symbolic—they were transformative. They reshaped the perception of Muslim rule from that of conquerors to custodians of justice.

This tolerance did not mean the complete absence of friction. There were taxes, administrative adjustments, and occasional tensions. But when compared with the brutality of Byzantine rule, Muslim governance felt like a reprieve to the Coptic population.

Legacy of Coexistence and the Shaping of Egyptian Identity

The Muslim entry into Egypt was not merely a military chapter; it marked a profound socio-religious shift that redefined Egypt’s cultural fabric for centuries to come. The experience of the Copts under early Islamic governance laid the foundation for a complex, layered identity—both Islamic and Christian, Arab and Egyptian.

This coexistence wasn’t perfect, nor was it always peaceful in the centuries that followed. But the contrast with the Byzantine era remains stark and instructive. Where imperial orthodoxy sought uniformity through force, early Islamic rule offered pluralism under protection.

Today, as Egypt continues to grapple with questions of religious identity, national unity, and historical memory, the events of the 7th century serve as a powerful reminder. They show that religious tolerance is not a modern invention but a historic principle—one that can thrive even amid conquest, so long as justice and humanity remain the guiding lights of governance.

A Lesson for Modern Times

The arrival of Islam in Egypt did not erase the Christian identity of the land. Rather, it allowed a deeply wounded community to heal, recover, and coexist. In an age when the term “tolerance” is often politicized or diluted, this historical moment stands out as an enduring lesson.

For the Coptic Christians, Islam’s early presence offered more than just respite—it provided dignity. And for the Muslim rulers, it was an opportunity to demonstrate the ethical and moral core of their faith in action.

At a time when the world is once again questioning how to reconcile faith and governance, history reminds us that compassion, justice, and pluralism are not weaknesses—they are the very foundations of enduring strength.

The initiative—launched on Thursday by the Presidency of Religious Affairs at the Grand Mosque and the Prophet’s Mosque—aims to reach an estimated five million listeners, amplifying the spiritual centerpiece of Hajj far beyond the plains of Arafat.

“Spreading the guidance of the Arafat sermon, with its themes of human fraternity, civilizational harmony and religious tolerance, is a cornerstone of our mission,” said Sheikh Abdulrahman Al-Sudais, President of Religious Affairs. He described the translation project as a testament to the Kingdom’s commitment to serving Islam and Muslims everywhere.

Early Preparation, Global Vision

According to the Saudi Press Agency, the presidency formed a dedicated committee months ago to standardize linguistic terminology, refine theological nuances and ensure technical excellence. The goal, Al-Sudais noted, is to project the Kingdom’s “moderate global message” uninterrupted—whether the listener is in Jakarta, Lagos or London.

Technical Backbone

• Live, simultaneous interpretation will originate from specially equipped studios in Makkah.
• On-site and online channels—including satellite, radio, mobile apps and social platforms—will carry the sermon.
• Sign-language feeds and accessible formats are being developed to widen inclusivity.

Saudi Arabia’s Broader Mandate

The translation drive dovetails with Vision 2030 goals to modernize Hajj services and showcase Saudi leadership in interfaith dialogue. Last year, the Makkah Route Initiative streamlined pre-departure immigration in eight countries; this year’s multilingual Arafat sermon expands the Kingdom’s soft-power outreach to the global ummah.

“By harnessing technology and linguistic expertise, we are honoring our duty as Custodians of the Two Holy Mosques,” Al-Sudais said. “Our aim is a Hajj experience that unites hearts, no matter what language they speak.”

As pilgrims prepare to ascend Arafat in early June, the new translation project promises to weave a single tapestry of devotion—from the desert of western Arabia to every corner of the Muslim world.

If any country, including Pakistan, ever invades India in the name of Ghazwa-e-Hind, they will find Indian Muslims defending their homeland

Among the many ideas that have found their way into the modern Islamic revivalist narrative, few are as persistently misunderstood—or dangerously misused—as the concept of Ghazwa-e-Hind. Popularized in contemporary times by figures like the late Dr. Israr Ahmed, it has come to be viewed not as a historical episode or a symbolic metaphor, but as a yet-to-be-fulfilled call to military conquest. This interpretation, though emotionally charged, is divorced from Islamic orthodoxy, historical context, and contemporary political reality.

This misreading of Islamic eschatology has become especially potent in Pakistan, where it has been weaponized by a segment of the clergy and even military-linked media. But what the masses often don’t see is that such a vision not only contradicts Islamic legal tradition, but also threatens the harmony of the Indian subcontinent, especially the future of Indian Muslims.

A Historical View—Not a Military Manual

The hadith that mentions Ghazwa-e-Hind is reported in Sunan an-Nasa’i (Hadith 3175), Musnad Ahmad (Hadith 23804), and al-Tabarani’s al-Mu’jam al-Kabir. The narration speaks of two groups saved from Hellfire—one that fights in India and another that accompanies Jesus, the son of Mary, during his second coming. However, Islamic scholars have long disagreed about the authenticity, context, and timeline of these narrations.

Renowned Hadith scholar Shaykh Nasiruddin al-Albani graded some of the chains as weak (da’if), while others like Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani in Fath al-Bari considered them authentic but possibly fulfilled during the early Islamic conquests. Ibn Kathir, in Al-Bidaya wa’l-Nihaya, also noted that the interpretation of these ahadith was limited to earlier periods of conquest.

Classical historians like al-Baladhuri in Futuh al-Buldan detail the campaign of Muhammad bin Qasim into Sindh (712 CE) as a response to an appeal from Muslim merchants and not as a sweeping religious war. The conquest was confined to a narrow region and did not reflect any systematic plan to convert India. Furthermore, the Chachnama, a semi-legendary Persian text documenting this campaign, narrates how religious freedom was granted to local Hindus and temples remained operational under Islamic rule.

Islamic scholar Dr. Ayesha Jalal, in her book Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia, asserts that Ghazwa-e-Hind has been inflated in Pakistan’s religious discourse not because of religious necessity, but due to state-sponsored ideology. She writes that this hadith has “resurfaced with renewed intensity in Pakistan’s strategic imagination, filtered through a millenarian lens.”

The Qur’anic Command: No Compulsion in Religion

The most authoritative source in Islam—the Qur’an—states unequivocally: “There is no compulsion in religion” (Qur’an 2:256). This verse, supported by the consensus (ijma’) of scholars, has been interpreted as a foundational principle of religious freedom. In Tafsir al-Qurtubi, Imam al-Qurtubi elaborates that Islam forbids coercion because belief requires conviction, not force.

The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), when inviting tribes to Islam, used persuasion, kindness, and exemplary character—not threats. As recorded in Sirat Ibn Hisham and Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, his approach to da’wah was rooted in wisdom, not warfare.

Moreover, Tafsir al-Tabari on verse 16:125—“Call to the way of your Lord with wisdom and beautiful preaching…”—explains that this verse sets the tone for all Islamic outreach. Any idea that religious dominance can be achieved through military force runs counter to the Qur’anic message and Prophetic model.

Prophecy ≠ Policy

Yes, Islam contains eschatological prophecies—many of which describe dramatic geopolitical changes in the end times.

The Prophet (peace be upon him) never told Muslims to build strategies around ghazwaat of the future. Instead, he focused on justice, reform, and internal purification.

Consider the Ghazwa of Abwa and Ghazwa of Ushayrah—expeditions that ended without a single arrow being shot. As documented in Al-Maghazi of al-Waqidi, many ghazwaat were precautionary or diplomatic. This is supported by Imam al-Nawawi’s commentary on Sahih Muslim, where he notes that military action in Islam is conditional on ethical, legal, and political necessities—not eschatological ambitions.

The Spread of Islam: A Moral Project, Not a Military One

Historically, Islam’s most significant growth occurred in regions where armies never marched. Southeast Asia, East Africa, and large swathes of India were introduced to Islam not through conquest but through trade and spiritual invitation.

Dr. Richard Eaton, in his landmark study The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, highlights how Sufi saints and local rulers facilitated Islamization in Bengal through land reforms, spiritual guidance, and social integration—not through war. Similarly, Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi in Islam and the World emphasizes that Islamic civilization at its best was spread through service, justice, and education.

The Prophet himself said: “I was sent to perfect noble character” (Musnad Ahmad, Hadith 8595). This foundational hadith is echoed in the works of Imam al-Ghazali in Ihya Ulum al-Din, who taught that spiritual excellence—not militarism—is the soul of Islamic revival.

Pakistan’s Fantasy vs Indian Muslims’ Reality

One of the more troubling developments is the Pakistani state’s occasional use of Ghazwa-e-Hind as a symbolic justification for cross-border ambitions. In textbooks, speeches, and even TV dramas, the narrative of a future campaign to “liberate” Indian Muslims is floated as a divine responsibility.

But such narratives overlook one major truth: Indian Muslims are not waiting for salvation. They are proud citizens of India, heirs to over a thousand years of Islamic contribution to the subcontinent.

India has produced towering Islamic scholars—Shaykh Abdul Haq Muhaddith Dehlawi, Shah Waliullah al-Dihlawi, Maulana Azad, and countless others. Its institutions—from Darul Uloom Deoband to Nadwatul Ulama—have trained generations of global scholars. The Indian Muslim identity is not subordinate to any external power. It is deeply rooted in the land, language, and ethos of India.

If any country, including Pakistan, ever invades India in the name of Ghazwa-e-Hind, they will find Indian Muslims defending their homeland, not cheering from the sidelines. As the Qur’an instructs: “Stand firmly for justice…” (4:135). That includes standing against unjust aggression—even if it’s done in the name of religion.

From Brigadier Muhammad Usman, the hero of Nowshera, to Captain Haneefuddin, who laid down his life in Kargil, Indian Muslims have proven their loyalty with blood.

Let no one mistake their silence for weakness or their faith for disloyalty. The Prophet loved Makkah. The Indian Muslim loves India.

Time for Responsibility, Not Rhetoric

Dr. Israr Ahmed’s intellectual legacy is mixed. While he awakened many to the idea of Islamic revival, his fixation on militarism—untethered from contemporary fiqh and political wisdom—misguided many. Today, young Muslims must be trained not in war slogans but in the Qur’an, Hadith, ethics, law, and service.

The return of a Caliphate, if it happens, must mirror the model of the Prophet—founded on justice, consultation, and mercy. Not through firebrand nationalism or weaponized hadiths.

Ghazwa-e-Hind has become more of a political trope than a theological reality. When read responsibly, Islamic tradition offers no justification for cross-border aggression dressed in prophecy. The real ghazwa we need today is against ignorance, sectarianism, and political manipulation.

Let us turn our energies toward rebuilding our societies—through knowledge, reform, and character. That is the legacy of the Prophet. That is the path of the righteous.

India’s largest retailer Reliance, which launched its own beauty retail platform called Tira in April to take on the likes of Nykaa (FSNE.NS) and the Tata Group, will now take over Sephora’s 26 stores in India from Arvind Fashions (ARVF.NS).

Arvind Fashions had partnered with the French brand for the last eight years.

“The partnership gives RRVL (Reliance Retail Ventures Ltd) exclusive rights to build and enhance Sephora’s presence in India across channels,” Reliance Retail said in a statement.

Sephora’s products range from make-up to skincare. The chain also retails luxury brands such as Dior and Tom Ford offline and online and recently became the exclusive retailer for pop star Selena Gomez’s Rare Beauty brand in India.

The 990.2 million-rupee ($11.89 million) deal between Reliance and Arvind Fashions comes months after local media reported that Sephora and Reliance Retail had abandoned talks to form a retail partnership for the Indian market.

Beauty retailers in India are vying to attract customers as demand for clean beauty and celebrity-owned brands grows. Brands such as Nykaa, Tira, and Shoppers Stop recently expanded their offerings in the hopes of attracting and keeping customers.

“Rising affluence, increasing urbanisation and the proliferation of social media have driven greater awareness of self-care and beauty, unlocking major opportunities for prestige beauty,” Sephora’s Asia President Alia Gogi said.

Shares of Arvind Fashions surged 11.5% after the news, before trimming some gains to close 5.8% higher.

The beauty division that hosted Sephora reported a revenue of 3.37 billion rupees in fiscal 2023, or about 7.6% of Arvind Fashions’ total revenue.

The company will use proceeds from the deal to invest in its brands and repay debt.

He regards demonstrations as the work of the enemy, suggesting that they have not and will not bring any real good.

Saudi scholar, Mohammad bin Abdullah Al-Maliki, has recently made a significant statement regarding protests in support of Palestine. He emphasized that participating in demonstrations is counterproductive and urged the Muslims to offer supplications instead.

Citing Quranic verses and the actions of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), he underlines the efficacy of prayer as a means of support.

In his statement, Al-Maliki said, “It is astonishing that Muslims demonstrate in support of their causes, including the Palestinian case, even though this has not and will not benefit the Palestinians in any way. What benefits them is supplication”.

He draws attention to the Quranic verse in Surah Al-Anfal (8:9), which reads, “Remember when you asked help of your Lord, and He answered you, ‘Indeed, I will reinforce you with a thousand from the angels, following one another.'”

To further illustrate his point, Al-Maliki refers to the history of the Battle of Badr. He quotes Ibn Abbas, who described the Prophet Muhammad’s (peace be upon him) response when faced with a daunting situation. On the day of Badr, the Prophet, peace be upon him, faced a numerically superior enemy, with only 319 of his companions against a force of a thousand pagans.

In this moment of uncertainty, he turned to God in supplication. “O Allah, fulfill for me what you promised me,” he implored. And as Ibn Abbas narrates, “Allah provided him with Angels”.

Al-Maliki draws a clear distinction between the efficacy of supplication and the consequences of demonstrations. He regards demonstrations as the work of the enemy, suggesting that they have not and will not bring any real good.

The Ulema’s guidance to prioritize supplication over protests is rooted in a belief in the power of prayer, a cornerstone of Islamic faith. Muslims are encouraged to seek divine intervention through prayer, believing that their appeals to Allah can lead to positive outcomes.

While the debate over the efficacy of protests and supplication continues, the Ulema’s perspective underscores the importance of faith and trust in divine guidance. Their message serves as a reminder that in the face of challenging situations, Muslims are encouraged to turn to prayer as a means of seeking positive change and support for the Palestinian cause.

(AP) – This year’s Hajj is a landmark: the first full pilgrimage after a daunting three-year period when the COVID-19 pandemic sharply reduced the scale of one of Islam’s holiest and most beloved rites.

Millions of Muslims from around the world will start converging next week on Mecca in Saudi Arabia to begin the several days of rituals at holy sites in and around the city. For pilgrims, it is the ultimate spiritual moment of their lives, a chance to seek God’s forgiveness for their sins and walk in the footsteps of revered prophets like Muhammad and Abraham.

It’s a mass, communal experience, with Muslims of many races and classes performing it together as one. But it is also deeply personal; every pilgrim brings their own yearnings and experiences.

The Associated Press spoke to several pilgrims from far-flung places as they prepared for their journey.

Gaza:

It’s been hard, raising 10 children on her own and living in the Gaza Strip, blockaded on all sides and torn by multiple wars. But Huda Zaqqout says her life feels miraculous because she is surrounded by her family, including 30 grandchildren.

And now, at 64, she is finally going on Hajj. It just so happens that now, after an easing of Saudi policy, more women pilgrims can participate without a “mahram,” or a male relative to escort them. It’s serendipitous timing for Zaqqout, who has waited years for this opportunity, and whose sons cannot afford to make the long, arduous trip from Gaza to Mecca.

“Gaza is like a prison. We are locked up from all directions and borders,” she said.

Instead, she will travel with a group of women, all over 60.

It will be a dream come true for Zaqqout, who says her dreams are often premonitions.

There was the dream that predicted her triplets. Or another that promised something good would follow something bad. The bad turned out to be that, after serving 10 years in prison, her husband took a younger, second wife and eventually left Zaqqout. But the good, she says, was that she emerged stronger, blessed by the love of her large family.

In April, she dreamt Prophet Muhammad was standing beside her.

“After I saw the prophet, I just felt I want to be there, in his proximity,” she said. She immediately signed up for an Umrah, the so-called “lesser pilgrimage” to Mecca that can happen any time.

She had registered for Hajj in 2010 but had never been selected to go. After she returned from Umrah, she nervously tuned into the radio broadcast announcing this year’s Hajj pilgrims. She fell to the ground, crying with joy, when her name was announced.

For Gazans, the trip is particularly hard. The tiny Mediterranean coastal territory has been blockaded by Israel and Egypt since 2007, when the militant group Hamas took power. Though pilgrims are allowed to travel, it is a bureaucratic nightmare. Then the arduous bus ride to Cairo Airport takes at least 15 hours and sometimes twice that due to long waits at the border and Egyptian checkpoints in the Sinai.

That hasn’t dampened Zaqqout’s joy. Her neighbors congratulate her. She watches YouTube videos to learn the Hajj rituals and goes to physiotherapy for her feet, which often hurt, knowing she’ll be doing a lot of standing and walking.

At her house in an old section of Gaza City, her grandchildren throng around her. At one point as she told her story, Zaqqout started to cry; the children hugged her and cried with her. When she went shopping for gifts, prayer mats and clothes, one grandson insisted on accompanying her, holding her hand the whole time.

Zaqqout feels Hajj is the last thing on her life’s to-do list. She has no debts, her children are married and have families. “After that, I don’t need anything from life.”

On Mount Arafat, the climactic moment of the Hajj, she said she will pray for peace and love between people. And she’ll pray for her family.

“I would like to see my children live a happy life and be proud of their children.”

Indonesia:

At a rural intersection outside Jakarta, 85-year-old Husin bin Nisan stands guard, his hands nimbly signaling for vehicles to stop or proceed. It’s a blind curve, and approaching traffic can’t see what’s coming. Now and then, a driver thanks him with a few coins that he tucks into his orange vest.

Husin is a “Pak Ogah,” a type of volunteer traffic warden found across Indonesia. Nearly every day for more than 30 years, he has directed traffic in a poor village called Peusar, living off tips equivalent to a few dollars a day.

The whole time, he has put aside coins for his dream. It has been a wait of more than 15 years, but finally Husin is going on the Hajj.

Husin tearfully recounted the prayer he had repeated: “I beg you, God … open the way for me to go to Mecca and Medina. Please give your blessing.”

Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, has a staggeringly long line of citizens wanting to go on Hajj; wait times can last decades. It lengthened even more when Saudi Arabia barred foreign pilgrims in 2020 and 2021 because of the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022, when Hajj reopened but with age restrictions, less than half of Indonesia’s quota could attend, said Arsyad Hidayat, director of Hajj Development at the Religious Affairs Ministry.

“The waiting period for the pilgrims was doubled,” he said. “And when it returns to normal to 100% of our quota, the impact of not having the pilgrimage for two years is still there.”

To catch up, Indonesia negotiated with Saudi Arabia and received an additional 8,000 spots this year, reaching an all-time high of 229,000. Authorities are giving special preference to older people. Nearly 67,000 of this year’s pilgrims are above 65, including more than 8,200 above 85. The oldest is a 118-year-old woman. The elderly will get extra services, including first-class flights and special accommodations and health care.

Husin has spent much of his life awaiting this chance. After two decades working as a Pak Ogah, he managed in 2009 to save the 25 million rupiah ($1,680) needed to register for the pilgrimage. It took four more years before authorities conveyed the date he would go — 2022, nearly a decade in the future.

When 2022 arrived, he couldn’t go because he was over the age limit. It was a blow, but he kept his faith that the pandemic would end and he would make it to Mecca.

A father of four and grandfather of six, Husin still works every day. His wife helps him put on his vest in their small home. Thin, with thick white hair and white beard, he walks to his intersection. He sometimes stands directing traffic for 12 hours a day, taking breaks sitting under a tree by a nearby cemetery.

Earlier this year, he paid off the remaining 26 million rupiah ($1,750) and was confirmed for this year’s Hajj.

In early June, Husin packed his suitcase, including his “ihram,” the white robe that all male pilgrims wear. Then he put on his best clothes and said goodbye to his family and friends. He began his journey.

“Now, I could die in peace at any time because God has answered my prayer,” he said.

Lebanon:

Abbas Bazzi doesn’t fit most people’s image of a religiously observant Muslim. With his long hair pulled back in a bun, he co-owns an organic cafe and grocery in Beirut’s trendy Badaro neighborhood. He sells sugar-free smoothies and vegan shawarma sandwiches. He teaches conscious breathing classes, practices reiki healing and does yoga.

He is now preparing for what he hopes will be his fourth Hajj journey.

Bazzi was born in a Shiite Muslim community in south Lebanon; his parents were secularists who never went to mosque. He took an interest in Islam on his own, beginning to pray at age 9 and to fast at 11. Later, he studied all the major world religions — “a journey from west to east,” he said. But he remained most convinced by Islam.

Bazzi attributes his early interest in religion to the circumstances surrounding his birth. He was born prematurely, at home, in 1981, at the height of Lebanon’s civil war. The newborn was not breathing properly, so a friend of his mother’s — a religiously observant woman — gave him rescue breathing until they could get him to the hospital.

In the first month of his life, Bazzi said, he was so sickly that his parents didn’t name him, fearing he would die. Although not a practicing Muslim, his father made a vow: If his son lived, he would name him for Imam Abbas, one of Shiite Islam’s most revered figures. The child lived; his father kept his promise.

As Bazzi grew up, he explored spiritual practices, including meditation and yoga. While others found the blend between those practices and Islam strange, he saw them as complementary.

Some people may think that a Hajj pilgrim should look different or pray more conspicuously, he said, but “I made a decision in my life that all of my life will be in service to the divine project.”

In 2017, at 36, Bazzi applied for the Hajj. But up to the last minute, he hadn’t received his visa. He went to the airport with his group of pilgrims and saw them off, waving goodbye. The next morning, he got a call saying his visa was ready. He scrambled to book a new ticket and followed his friends to Mecca.

“I’ve gotten used to surprises in my life,” he said with a laugh.

In Mecca, he said, “I saw peace. I saw this is the only place where people are gathered from every country in the world, every color … different doctrines. I saw unity, I saw love.”

He returned the next year, and the years after that, feeling he had more to learn. “It’s not possible to reach knowledge of all of (Islam) in a single trip or a single day.”

This year could be another nail-biter. His visa is approved, but his passport has expired. Renewing it was delayed because so many Lebanese are trying to get passports to leave the country since its economy collapsed in 2019.

Time is running short.

“I am praying,” Bazzi said. “God willing, if it’s meant to happen, it will happen.”

United States:

A wave of emotions washed over Saadiha Khaliq as she reflected on the spiritual significance of her upcoming pilgrimage to Mecca, more than 11,000 kilometers (7,000 miles) from her home in the U.S. state of Tennessee.

“It’s really this invitation and this honor,” said the 41-year-old Pakistani-American engineer, who lives near Nashville. “You just hope that you’re worthy of that honor and that it’s accepted from you.”

Her tears flowed.

Undertaking the pilgrimage has been on Khaliq’s mind for several years; she would read and watch videos about Hajj rituals and ask others who had gone about their experiences.

Her religious quest gained urgency during the coronavirus pandemic.

“The pandemic really put things in perspective,” she said. “Life is short, and you have limited opportunities to do things that you really want to do.”

This year, she applied for places on the Hajj for herself and her parents. While they’ve been to Mecca before, this will be the first Hajj for all three.

“This is kind of a big, lifelong dream and achievement for them,” she said. “And I’m just grateful that I get to be part of the whole experience.”

Khaliq was born in the United Kingdom. In the 1990s, her family moved to the United States and eventually to Tennessee, where her father is a mathematics professor.

As part of her preparations, she’s trying to go in with a clean slate, from clearing financial obligations to working to make amends and seek forgiveness from family members or friends who she might have had issues with.

“It’s very hard to stand there (in Mecca), if there’s negativity in your heart … if you made space for things that are resentment or anger,” she said. “And I’m still working on cleansing that part of my heart.”

As the date nears, she has experienced an array of emotions, including a sense of going into the unknown.

She marvels at the sense of unity and humility that comes as Muslims of diverse backgrounds from around the world pray next to one another. All of them, she said, are on a journey to God, seeking forgiveness.

“You are now standing before him without any of your social status, your wealth, and you come before him with some good deeds and some bad deeds,” she said. “All you can do, as a Muslim, is hope that at the end of the day, this is pleasing to God.”

Iraq:

Two years ago, the pandemic wrecked Talal Mundhir’s Hajj plans. So the 52-year-old Iraqi took no chances when he and his wife were confirmed for this year’s pilgrimage.

He stopped playing soccer, one of his favorite pastimes, fearing he might get injured and be unable to go.

A resident of the central Iraqi city of Tikrit, Mundhir tried to go on Hajj several times over the past two decades, but never made the draw. Finally, he was accepted — in 2021, when no foreigners could go because of COVID-19.

It was a close call this year as well, since Mundhir is unemployed amid Iraq’s economic crisis. But he and his siblings recently sold a property they inherited from their father. His portion of the proceeds covered the Hajj expenses.

Last week, Mundhir and his wife set off with their group for Mecca for an early arrival before the pilgrimage’s official start on June 26. It was 36 grueling hours on a bus across the desert.

But he said all the exhaustion from the road vanished once he and his wife visited the Haram, the mosque in Mecca that houses the Kaaba, Islam’s holiest site. Millions of pilgrims will walk seven times around the cube-shaped Kaaba to kick off their Hajj.

“I can’t describe the feeling,” Mundhir wrote in a text message from Mecca. “I felt such mental ease, but at the same time, tears. I don’t know if they were tears of joy or of humility.”

This gift is intended to assist individuals in need in celebrating and taking part in the Muslim celebration of Eid al-Fitr, which celebrates the conclusion of Ramadan.

Zakat a-Fitr is a type of charity that is separate from Zakat, one of Islam’s five pillars. While Zakat is normally paid once a year and calculated based on a person’s wealth, Zakat al-Fitr is paid on an individual basis and has a fixed amount that has been established by Muslim legal scholars.

Depending on the area and the cost of food, different amounts are required for Zakat al-Fitr. It is comparable to the price of one meal or one kilogramme of rice or wheat in the majority of countries. The cost is typically covered by all household members, including minors and the elderly.

The required Zakat al-Fitr donation for residents of the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia is $7. The cost is $12 in the US, meanwhile.

There is a different kind of donation known as “Fidya.” This is a fixed sum that a person is required to pay for each day when they are unable to work owing to illness, old age, etc.

Cash or other donations, such food or clothing, are also acceptable forms of zakat al-Fitr. It is crucial to remember that Zakat al-Fitr must be paid before the Eid prayer and cannot be postponed. This is so that those in need can celebrate and enjoy Eid, which is what Zakat al-Fitr is intended to do. Delaying the payment would be in opposition to the goal.