This is why rhetoric like Madani’s troubles me personally! it erases achievements like mine.

India’s prominent Islamic scholar Arshad Madani’s recent claim that Muslims “cannot become Vice-Chancellors in India” and that even if they do, “they will be put in jail,” has triggered substantial debate. His remarks, framed in response to the Al-Falah University investigation, were intended to foreground discrimination faced by Muslims in higher education.

Yet, instead of sparking constructive discussion, his statement amplified communal anxieties and reinforced a narrative of permanent marginalization.

For many, it revived a familiar political tactic — invoking collective helplessness to mobilize community sentiment, while eclipsing real issues such as internal inequalities, socio-economic deprivation, and the lack of investment in education.

What stirred the public reaction was not merely the content of Madani’s statement, but the sweeping finality with which he made it. Instead of critiquing specific institutional failures, he suggested that Indian Muslims, by virtue of their identity, are categorically barred from academic leadership. This framing, as argued in the recent ThePrint column critiquing his rhetoric manufactures a sense of fatalism, almost instructing young Muslims to believe that aspiration itself is futile!

It transforms a complex structural issue into a communal indictment, and in doing so, shifts blame externally while ignoring the reforms needed internally.

Contradictions Between Rhetoric and Reality

Madani’s statement, when examined against historical and contemporary facts, quickly becomes contradictory. India’s educational landscape has not been uniformly inclusive, there is undeniable under-representation of Muslims, especially from marginalized sub-groups like Pasmanda Muslims. But the claim that “no Muslim can become a Vice-Chancellor” is factually untrue.

Muslim scholars have held VC positions across Indian universities. From early examples like Ross Masood of AMU, to contemporary appointments such as Mazhar Asif at Jamia Millia Islamia (2024), the record clearly contradicts Madani’s absolutes. Recent data compiled across central and state universities shows that over the decades, more than 280 Muslims have held Vice-Chancellorships. This number is small in proportion to population share, but it proves possibility, not impossibility.

By ignoring these facts, Madani’s narrative has collapsed into contradiction: on one side, he claims Muslims are entirely excluded; on the other, the evidence shows that despite structural limitations, Muslims have risen within academic leadership.

This contradiction matters because it exposes the underlying flaw in his rhetoric. Instead of highlighting systemic barriers, he paints the system in itself as permanently closed. Instead of empowering young Muslims to aim for academic leadership, he inadvertently discourages them. Instead of demanding reforms, he encourages resignation. A rhetoric meant to defend the community ends up weakening it.

Communal Divisions Are Real, But They Cannot Be the Only Lens

No one can deny that communal divisions persist in India. Biases, sometimes subtle, sometimes overt do influence public perception. Yet, to treat communal identity as the only motive or determinant of success risks flattening the story of Indian Muslims into a permanent victimhood model.

Such a model erases internal diversity within the community, overlooks socio-economic inequalities that often matter more than religion, ignores class privilege among the elites who often deploy the language of victimhood, discourages women and young Muslims from pursuing leadership roles, prevents collaboration and bridge-building with other communities.

Critiques of Madani’s statement emphasize this point precisely: when leaders repeatedly recycle narratives of helplessness, they “kill aspiration before discrimination even gets a chance to operate.” The voice of the ordinary Muslim who wants opportunity, dignity, and progress is overshadowed by a rhetoric that prioritizes grievance over growth.

Muslim Vice-Chancellors: A Factual Rebuttal

To provide clarity, several notable Muslim scholars have served as Vice-Chancellors across major Indian universities. Early figures include Ross Masood, who led Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), followed by Abdul Aleem, who served as AMU’s Vice-Chancellor from 1968 to 1974.

More recent appointments further illustrate this legacy: Mazhar Asif was appointed Vice-Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia in 2024, while Mohammad Miyan previously headed Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU). The list also includes distinguished leaders such as Zakir Hussain, who not only served as Vice-Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia but went on to become the President of India; Talat Ahmad, who held Vice-Chancellorships at both Jamia Millia Islamia and the University of Kashmir; A.R. Kidwai, another former AMU Vice-Chancellor; and Saqib Raza Khan, who served as Vice-Chancellor of Ranchi University.

This is not an exhaustive list,  it simply illustrates that Madani’s categorical claim is false. Structural under-representation needs reform, but erasing Muslim academic leadership altogether is misleading and harmful.

Despite structural challenges and undeniable gender disparities, Muslim women have also risen to top academic leadership positions, a fact that directly contradicts the narrative that Muslims, or Muslim women in particular, are entirely excluded from India’s higher education leadership.

The most historic example came in 2024, when Prof. Naima Khatoon became the first woman Vice-Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in its 100-year history. Her appointment was not gestural, rather it reflected long academic experience, administrative capability, and scholarly merit. AMU, an institution often portrayed as conservative or resistant to women’s leadership unanimously endorsed her, signalling a substantive shift in institutional imagination.

Another important name is Prof. Najma Akhtar, who served as the first woman Vice-Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia (2019-2024). Under her tenure, Jamia rose among top-ranked Indian universities and secured major research and accreditation milestones. Her leadership demonstrated that Muslim women can shape academic institutions at the highest level, steering them through public scrutiny, political pressure, and administrative complexity.

Though few in number, these Muslim women Vice-Chancellors represent real, powerful precedents. Their achievements stand as evidence that the barriers are not absolute and that Muslim women, given space and opportunity, can lead some of India’s most influential universities.

My Journey as a Muslim Woman in Public Institutions

My own experience stands as quiet proof that institutional spaces in India are not permanently closed to Muslims, nor to Muslim women. Working in the South-India’s Karnataka Legislative Assembly, I witnessed firsthand that entry into governance and public service is possible, attainable, and often shaped more by merit, initiative, and opportunity than by identity.

I was not limited by my hijab, my name, or my background. Instead, I was entrusted with responsibility, seriousness, and professional respect. My experience disrupts the narrative that Muslims, especially Muslim women, cannot enter corridors of power or influence. It demonstrates that while biases exist, they do not define every institution or individual. More importantly, it shows that portraying Muslims exclusively as victims denies the lived realities of those who are breaking barriers every day.

This is why rhetoric like Madani’s troubles me personally! it erases achievements like mine. It tells young Muslim girls that no matter how hard they try, the system will reject them.

The Community Deserves Better Than Recycled Helplessness

Arshad Madani’s statement may hold concerns, but by presenting it as discrimination in absolute, fatalistic terms, it harms rather than helps. It narrows Muslim identity to a single narrative of exclusion, discourages young achievers, and obstructs the introspective reforms the community urgently needs.

The future of Indian Muslims cannot be shaped by grievance alone. It must be shaped by educational upliftment, internal social reform, women’s empowerment, merit-based achievement, and cooperative engagement with the wider society.

We deserve leaders who inspire aspiration, not those who extinguish it.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Constitutional framework in India provides Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often unavailable in Islamist state

In the contemporary discourse on women’s rights within Muslim-majority societies, a significant contrast emerges between the experiences of Muslim women in India and those in several Islamist states such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, and others.

While challenges persist in India, the legal framework and constitutional guarantees provide Indian Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often inaccessible to their counterparts in more theocratic regimes.

Legal Protections and Constitutional Guarantees

India’s secular constitution enshrines fundamental rights that apply uniformly to all citizens, irrespective of religion. Articles 14 (Right to Equality), 15 (Prohibition of Discrimination), and 21 (Protection of Life and Personal Liberty) form the bedrock of these protections.

For instance, the landmark judgment in the Shayara Bano case led the Supreme Court to declare the practice of instant triple talaq unconstitutional, recognizing it as a violation of the constitutional guarantee of equality. Indeed Quran does not endorse instant triple talaq, which was unIslamically followed in India.

Furthermore, the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019, criminalizes the practice of instant triple talaq, providing Muslim women with legal recourse and protection against arbitrary divorce. This legislative action underscores India’s commitment to upholding the rights of Muslim women within its constitutional framework.

In contrast, many Islamist states impose legal systems that often restrict women’s rights. In Afghanistan, under Taliban rule, women face severe limitations on their mobility, education, and employment. The Taliban’s return to power has led to the re-imposition of strict interpretations of Sharia law based on strict Hanafi-Deobandi interpretation of Islam, effectively erasing many of the gains women had made in the preceding two decades.

Access to Education and Employment

Education is a fundamental right in India, and Muslim women have access to educational institutions across the country.

Initiatives like the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao scheme aim to promote the education of girls, including those from minority communities. Additionally, various state governments have implemented programs to provide scholarships and financial assistance to Muslim women pursuing higher education.

Employment opportunities for Muslim women in India, though varied, are supported by affirmative action policies and reservations in public sector jobs. The Indian government’s focus on skill development and entrepreneurship has also opened avenues for Muslim women to engage in the workforce and contribute economically.

In stark contrast, in countries like Iran and Afghanistan, women face systemic barriers to education and employment.

In Iran, despite a high literacy rate among women, many fields of study and professions remain closed to them due to restrictive laws and societal norms. Similarly, in Afghanistan, the Taliban’s policies have led to the closure of girls’ schools and the prohibition of women from working in most sectors, severely limiting their opportunities for personal and professional growth.

Autonomy in Personal Matters

The Indian legal system recognizes the autonomy of Muslim women in personal matters, including marriage and divorce.

The Supreme Court’s intervention in the Shah Bano case led to the enactment of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, which ensures maintenance rights for divorced Muslim women during and after the iddat period.

Moreover, recent judicial decisions, such as the Telangana High Court’s ruling that khula (divorce initiated by the wife) must be processed through the courts rather than religious bodies, reinforce the principle of legal oversight in personal matters. This ensures that Muslim women have access to legal remedies and are not subject to arbitrary decisions by non-judicial authorities.

In contrast, in countries like Pakistan, while Islamic law provides for women’s rights in marriage and divorce, the application of these laws is often inconsistent and influenced by patriarchal interpretations.

Women’s access to justice in personal matters can be hindered by societal pressures and the dominance of informal religious councils over formal judicial systems.

Freedom of Expression and Political Participation

India’s democratic framework guarantees freedom of speech and political participation to all its citizens. Muslim women in India actively engage in political discourse, participate in elections, and advocate for their rights through various platforms.

Organizations like the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA) work towards reforming personal laws and promoting gender justice within the Muslim community.

The Indian media also plays a crucial role in highlighting issues related to Muslim women, providing them with a platform to voice their concerns and aspirations. This democratic space enables Muslim women to challenge discriminatory practices and seek reforms that align with their rights and dignity.

In contrast, in many Islamist states, freedom of expression is curtailed, and political participation is often limited for women.

In countries like Iran and Afghanistan, women face repression for expressing dissent or advocating for their rights. The lack of democratic institutions and the suppression of civil liberties create an environment where women’s voices are marginalized, and their participation in public life is restricted.

Looking Forward

While no society is free from challenges, the legal and constitutional framework in India provides Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often unavailable in Islamist states. The Indian model, with its secular constitution and commitment to human rights, offers a more inclusive environment for Muslim women to exercise their rights and contribute to society.

In contrast, the experiences of Muslim women in Islamist states highlight the importance of constitutional guarantees and legal protections in ensuring gender equality and personal freedom.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Alkazi trained a generation of actors who went on to dominate both theatre and cinema.

Ebrahim Alkazi’s name is etched in Indian history as the father of modern theatre, but his life also tells a deeper story, one that speaks to the centuries-old relationship between India and Saudi Arabia.

Born in Pune in 1925 to a Saudi father and a Kuwaiti mother, Alkazi grew up at the meeting point of cultures. His heritage and upbringing reflected a world in which Arabia and India were never distant lands but blended societies, bound together by trade, pilgrimage, and migration.

Old Ties Across the Arabian Sea

The connection between India and the Arabian Peninsula goes back more than a thousand years. Long before modern diplomacy, merchants from the Hejaz and Najd crossed the Arabian Sea to India’s western ports, while Indian traders and craftsmen made their way to Jeddah, Riyadh, and other Gulf towns. Spices, textiles, pearls, and horses formed the heart of this commerce, but what truly endured were the relationships forged through these exchanges

Pilgrimage further deepened the bond.

For centuries, Indian Muslims formed one of the largest groups traveling to Mecca and Medina, strengthening cultural and spiritual ties. Many settled in the holy cities, while families from the Arabian Peninsula also found homes in India’s trading centres. These journeys created bonds of kinship, language, and tradition that went far beyond commerce. It was within this historical flow of people and ideas that Alkazi’s father migrated from Saudi Arabia to India, a move that would shape the life of one of India’s most important cultural figures.

The Making of a Theatre Pioneer

In India, Ebrahim Alkazi carved out a path that few could have imagined. After studying at St. Vincent’s High School in Pune, he went on to pursue theatre seriously, eventually training at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art in London. This global exposure sharpened his artistic vision and gave him the tools to reinvent Indian theatres.

When he took over as director of the National School of Drama (NSD) in 1962, Alkazi transformed it into the heartbeat of Indian theatre. For 15 years, until 1977, he introduced discipline, scale, and modern techniques to a field that had often been fragmented and informal. His stagings of plays such as Tughlaq and Andha Yug were nothing short of legendary, blending Indian history with universal themes of power, morality, and human struggle.

Just as important was his role as a mentor. Alkazi trained a generation of actors who went on to dominate both theatre and cinema. Among his students were Om Puri, Naseeruddin Shah, Rohini Hattangadi, and Surekha Sikri, names that would later become synonymous with excellence in Indian acting. Through them, Alkazi’s influence extended far beyond the stage, shaping the way India told stories on screen as well.

In recognition of his extraordinary contribution, the Government of India honored Alkazi with the Padma Shri in 1966, the Padma Bhushan in 1991, and the Padma Vibhushan in 2010, India’s second-highest civilian award. These accolades reflected not only his personal achievement but also the central place he came to occupy in India’s cultural history.

A Life That Reflected Two Worlds

What makes Alkazi’s journey remarkable is not only his artistic legacy but also the cultural symbolism of his life. His father’s migration from Saudi Arabia to India was part of a broader history of mobility between the two regions. But in Alkazi, this shared history found a creative expression. He was at once Indian and Arab, rooted in both identities, and his work showed how heritage could be a source of richness rather than division.

In many ways, Alkazi’s life embodied the old-age relationship between India and Saudi Arabia. His personal story reflected how the bond between the two countries has always been more than treaties, oil, or strategic partnerships. It has been about people-the merchants who crossed seas, the pilgrims who traveled for faith, and the families who made new homes across borders. Alkazi was one such child of this exchange, and through his art, he built yet another bridge between worlds.

Remembering Alkazi, Remembering the Bond

When Ebrahim Alkazi passed away in 2020 at the age of 94, India mourned him as a cultural giant. He left behind not only a body of legendary productions and generations of students but also a legacy that continues to define Indian theatre. Yet, looking at his life also allows us to reflect on something larger: the centuries-old ties between India and Saudi Arabia.

These ties are often discussed today in terms of diplomacy, energy, or geopolitics. But Alkazi’s story reminds us that the relationship runs much deeper. It is a bond carried by ordinary people and extraordinary figures alike through trade, migration, faith, and creativity.

Ebrahim Alkazi’s life, spanning Saudi roots and Indian achievements, was one such story. In celebrating him, we also celebrate the enduring human connection between India and Saudi Arabia, a connection that has quietly shaped both nations for generations.